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Redeemed Captive returning to ZION : 

O F 

Remarkable Occurrences 

I N T H * 



Mr. John Williams, 

Minifter of" the Gofpei in DEIRFIEID ; 

"Who, in the Defolation which befel that Plantation, by n Incurfton of 
FRENCH and INBIANS, was by them carried away, with his Family 
ird his Neighbourhood, into CAJCADA. 


Annexed to which, is A SERMON, 


Alfo, AN .A P P E N D I X, 

By tie /?>. Mr. WILLIAMS, of Springfield. 


By the Rfv. Mr. TAYLOR, o/DeerficWi 

By the Rev. Mr. PRINCE, c/Bofton. 

Pnotcd by SAMUEL H&LL, No. 53, Corohill, BOSTO, 



Returning to Zion 










This edition is limited to 526 copies on 
Mittineague paper, 26 of which are Large 
Paper copies. 

This volume is No..{.d. 


In this, the third volume of the INDIAN 
CAPTIVITIES SERIES, the publishers have 
profited by a number of valuable suggestions 
and criticisms in the endeavour to improve 
upon the preceding volumes of the series, 
which have both been accorded much praise 
alike by individuals and by the press. 

As in the preceding volumes, the aim has 
been to preserve as nearly as possible the 
exact wording of the author, according to 
the best edition obtainable. To this end, 
while the book has been carefully edited, 
with a number of additional explanatory 
notes, the old-fashioned spellings and phrase 
ology, as well as many word-forms now 
obsolete or archaic, have been left unaltered, 
only palpable typographical and other minor 
errors being corrected. 

The Publishers desire to make the most 
cordial acknowledgement of indebtedness to 
Wilberforce Eames, Esq., of the New York 
Public Library, who has furnished the very 



valuable Bibliography by which the book 
is enriched, as well as to George Sheldon, 
Esq., whose careful historical introduction 
adds much interest to the narrative. 

The H. R. Huntting Co., 

October, 1908. 




The modern student of old New England is seeking 
every reliable avenue which leads to, or illustrates her 
earlier days; and he does good service who presents to 
this public the kind of material to be found in this book. 

"The Redeemed Captive" the man was a well 
known personage of his time, and stood out prominently 
during the crucial period of King William s and Queen 
Anne s wars. Although his standing among his fellow 
ministers was fairly good, yet he is better known by his 
trials and hardships than by his talents or attainments. 
He was emphatically a man of sorrows, and weighted 
with care, from maturity to his dying day. His peculiar 
experiences were not paralleled by any other man of his 
time. His own record of his own captivity has been and 
will be a much read book. 

John Williams, son of Samuel, was born at Roxbury, 
Dec. 10, 1664. His grandfather, Robert Williams, was 
driven from Norwich, Eng., in 1634. Robert was a 
Puritan of Puritans. He brought with him his son 
Samuel, then an infant. Both settled in Roxbury; both 
were shoemakers. Samuel was a deacon in the church 
of the Apostle Eliot a heritage and an environment 
equally good. John Williams was educated at the still 


famous Roxbury Latin School, and was graduated from 
Harvard in 1683. He was second in a class of three 
all Roxbury boys. The first chapter of their lives had 
come to an end. When and where would the second 
open? For John Williams it opened Sept. 21, 1686, 
when he was called to be the minister of Deerfield. His 
cousin, William Williams, the third in his class, had been 
settled at Hatfield the year before, and Samuel Danforth, 
the first, was called to Taunton in 1687. In accordance 
with the custom of the times they had no training for 
the ministry beyond that given in the regular course at 

When young John Williams went to Deerfield, King 
William s war was near at hand, and Deerfield was a 
frontier town. The bodies as well as the souls of the min 
ister and people were sorely tried. The cultivation of 
the soil, their sole reliance for a livelihood, was restricted 
to a narrow area, and this only when under an armed 
guard; with such conditions the harvest must of neces 
sity be small and uncertain. All reserved resources soon 
became exhausted. There was no "base of supplies." 
The settlers feared actual want, and they came to feel 
it as a reality. To go outside the stockade for a moment 
unguarded was at the risk of life or liberty. But risks 
must be taken, or slow starvation would work its will. 

The first bolt fell in June, 1693, at the north end of 
the Street, and ten men, women, and children were the 
victims. In October, a man was captured and carried 


to Canada. In September, 1694, Castreen with a large 
force of French and Indians from Canada, attempted 
to surprise the town, but he was discovered, and the 
place was successfully defended with a loss of one man 
killed and two wounded. The next year a leading mem 
ber of Mr. Williams flock was ambushed and killed. 
In 1696 a large family living within fifty rods of the 
Meetinghouse was attacked, three of the family were 
killed, two wounded and four captured. It was a Lec 
ture day, and the people were collected in the Meeting 
house for public worship. This family was belated and 
perhaps the only one outside the stockade. Three young 
men were soon after carried off by swift surprise while 
in the North Meadows, and the young minister himself 
had a narrow escape at Broughton s Hill. The terrible 
trials of these times, which minister and people bore 
bravely and well, are not the theme of this book. They 
seem, however, to be a fitting prelude. 

"The Redeemed Captive" the Book is a well 
known classic of New England. Here may be found, in 
fact, an epitome of the lights and shadows (flickering 
indeed are the lights) during Queen Anne s war. It is 
a personal, life-sized account of the New England cap 
tive in Canada. This book contains a perfect record of 
a sorrowful experience of more than two and a half 
years, and has no counterpart in the literature of the 
period. It was written at Deerfield on the return of Mr. 
Williams from captivity, and published at Boston, 


March, 1706-7. It contains a narrative of the sacking 
of Deerfield, Feb. 29, 1703-4; the march of himself, 
family, and flock through three hundred miles of un 
broken wilderness to Canada. It also contains a sermon 
preached at Boston, Dec. 5, 1706, two weeks after his 
arrival there from Canada. 

"The Redeemed Captive" has passed through some 
dozen editions, the latest edited by Stephen W. Wil 
liams, M. D., in 1853. A third edition, commonly called 
the "Prince edition," was published in Boston, 1758. 
This included a valuable appendix by Rev. Stephen 
Williams, D. D., of Longmeadow, himself a " Boy Cap 
tive." In 1795 this edition was faithfully reproduced by 
Rev. John Taylor of Deerfield, with an appendix by 
himself which contains a brief account of the Indian 
depredations in the Valley until the conquest of Canada. 
This is called the "Taylor edition." It is on the whole 
the most satisfactory edition which we have met with. 
It is this which is now presented to the public in a new 
dress. "The Redeemed Captive" was also published 
at Greenfield, 1800, in connection with Robert B reek s 
Century Sermon, preached at Springfield, 1775; and again 
in connection with the Narrative of Mary Rowlandson, 
at Brookfield, in 1811. 

In a recently published book concerning the early 
days of John Williams, there may be found, it is said, 
"the most complete, accurate and interesting account of 
life in the Bay Colony during its first half century." In 


"The Redeemed Captive" those interested in the life 
of that period may find opportunity to compare this half 
century with the half century which followed. 

Mr. Williams was a striking example of the Puritan 
life in thought and action. He lived and walked in the 
faith enjoined by the theology of the day hard and 
narrow enough to our eyes, and utterly lacking in charity. 
Indeed, he was taught by his townsman, Gov. Thomas 
Dudley, that toleration was an abomination and a sin. 
To modern minds the Deity worshipped under this 
theology seems a tangled mass of contradictions. To 
define it in common terms would seem to Mr. Williams 
irreverent and sacrilegious. He believed that the Scrip 
ture with all its contradictions and crudities was the 
language of God, from the first word to the last. As it 
declared that man was made in the image of God, he 
could not escape the conception that God was a personal 
being, with a mind like unto his own, but with unlimited 
power for good or evil. Mr. Williams believed also that 
this Being was at enmity with man, and had doomed the 
whole race to eternal woe; that this was a well deserved 
sentence from which there was no escape save by soften 
ing the heart of the Deity by an appeal to His human 
side. To this end there was constant worship and as 
cribing to Him all honor and power and glory. He did 
not realize that the laws of Nature, by whatever name 
called, were unchangeable. He believed the laws of 
Nature had been changed upon his own petition. He 


records in this volume, that when in unusual straits he 
had petitioned for relief, there had been in response a 
change in the weather. He believed that the duty of man 
to God was fully revealed in the Scripture. He might 
have known, and no one will question the fact, that this 
"revelation" has been read a thousand ways, and that 
the disagreements have filled the Christian world with 
misery and woe; that millions of men, women, and 
children have been butchered, and their homes turned 
to ashes in consequence of this disagreement. What kind 
of a revelation is this! 

John Williams was good, brave, honest, and played 
well his part. He must be judged by his own time. He 
did not formulate the Deity he trusted and worshipped. 
Many doubt if such a Deity could have been formulated 
this side of the Dark Ages. 

No thinking person can read this book without a feel 
ing of thankfulness that he is living in an age when the 
barbarian no longer terrorizes the land, and when the 
nightmare of superstition is passing away in the new light 
of Science. 



The Redeemed Captive Returning || to Zion.|| A Faith 
ful History || of || Remarkable Occurrences, || in the || Cap 
tivity || and the || Deliverance || of || Mr. John Williams; 
|| Minister of the Gospel, in Deerfield, || Who, in the Des 
olation which befel that || Plantation, by an Incursion of 
the French || & Indians, was by Them carried away, || 
with his Family, and his Neighbourhood, || unto Canada. 
|| Whereto there is annexed a Sermon || Preached by him, 
upon his Return, at || the Lecture in Boston, Decemb. 
5, 1706. || On those Words, Luk. 8, 39. Return to thine 
|| own House, and shew how great Things God || hath 
done unto thee. || Boston in N. E. Printed by B. Green, 
for || Samuel Phillips, at the Brick Shop, 1707. || 8 vo., 
pp. (6), 104. 

NOTE. The Narrative of Williams s Captivity ends 
on page 87, on the verso of which is the following title 
of the Sermon: Reports of Divine Kindness: || or, || 
Remarkable Mercies || Should be Faithfully Published, jj 
For the Praise of || God || the Giver. || Set forth in a 
Sermon Preached at || Boston Lecture, Decemb. 5, 1706. 
|| By John Williams, || Pastor of the Church of Christ in 
Deerfield; || Soon after his Return from a doleful Cap 
tivity. || ... |l Boston: Printed for S. Phillips, at the 
Brick Shop, 1707. || The Sermon fills pp. 89-104. 

Copies: American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, 
Mass.; Harvard College Library, Cambridge, Mass.; 


Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass.; John 
Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I. Brinley s copy 
sold in 1879 for $106. 


The Second Edition. || Boston: \\ Printed by T. Fleet, for 
Samuel Phillips, at the \\ Three Bibles and Crown in King 
Street, 1720. || 8 vo, pp. (6), 98. 

NOTE. This edition contains only the Narrative of the 
Captivity, the Sermon not being reprinted. 

Copies: New York Public Library (Lenox collec 


The Third Edition. || As also an Appendix: Containing 
an Account || of those taken Captive at Deerfield, Febru 
ary 29, 1703, 4. || of those kill d after they went out of 
Town, those who || returned, and of those still absent 
from their native Country; || of those who were Slain at 
that Time in or near the Town; || and of the Mischief 
done by the Enemy in Deerfield, from || the Beginning 
of its Settlement to the Death of the Rev. Mr. || Williams, 
in 1729. With a Conclusion to the whole. || By the Rev. 
Mr. Williams of Springfield, and the Rev. || Mr. Prince 
of Boston. || Boston: Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland, || 
opposite the Probate-Office in Queen-street, 1758. || 8 vo, 
pp. (4) IV, 104. 


NOTE. This edition begins with a half-tide: A || Faith 
ful Narrative || of || Remarkable Occurrences || In the 
Captivity of the Reverend || Mr. John Williams, &c. || 

The Narrative ends on page 77. The Sermon, Re 
ports of Divine Kindness, with title-page dated 1758, 
fills pp. 79-94. The Appendix, pp. 95-104, is dated Bos 
ton, Dec. 20, 1757, and signed T. Prince. 

Copies: Boston Public Library (Prince Collection); 
New York Public Library (Lenox Collection). 

The Fourth Edition. || . . . || Boston: Printed. \\ New- 
London: Re-printed by T. Green. || [1773.] 8 vo, pp. 79. 

NOTE. The Narrative ends on page 58, and is followed 
on the next page by the title-page of the Sermon, Reports of 
Divine Kindness, which has the imprint, with date: 
Mew-London: \\ Re-printed and sold by T. Green. 1773. || 
This edition, according to Dr. Trumbull (Brinley cata 
logue, no. 497), was advertised by the printer, as "just 
published," in April, 1773. It is a reprint of the 1758 
edition, including the Appendix. See also Trumbull s 
List of Books printed in Connecticut, no. 1670. 

Copies: New York Public Library (Lenox collection), 
lacking pp. 77-79. 


The Fifth Edition. || . . . || Boston: \\ Printed and Sold 
by John Boyle next door to the Three || Doves in Marl- 
borough-Street. 1774. || 8 vo., pp. 70. 


NOTE. The Narrative in this edition ends on page 52, 
the Sermon entitled Reports of Divine Kindness follow 
ing with imprint, Boston: || Printed and Sold by John 
Boyle in Marlborough-Street. \\ MDCCLXXIV. l| Reprint 
of the 1773 edition, with the Appendix. 

.Copies: Library of Congress; Massachusetts Histor 
ical Society. 


The Fifth Edition. || . . . || Boston: Printed. \\ New- 
London: Re-printed by T. Green. \\ [1776.] 8 vo, pp. 72. 

NOTE. In this edition the Narrative ends on page 56, 
followed on pp. 57-66 by the sermon, Reports of , Divine 
Kind ness, with dated imprint, New-London: \\ Re-printed 
and Sold by T. Green. 1776. || The Appendix fills pp. 67-72. 

Dr. Trumbull in the Brinley Catalogue, nos. 500 and 
5577, describes two copies of "The Fifth Edition," with 
imprint, New London, reprinted, T. Green, n. d. [1780 ?], 
which are without doubt the same as the above, he having 
probably overlooked the imprint date on page 57. In 
fact, one of these two copies, no. 5577, which lacks the 
Appendix, is now in Yale University Library, and con 
tains the date 1776 on the second title. 

Copies: Library of Congress; Yale University Library. 

Annexed to which, is a || Sermon, j| Preached by him 
upon his return. || Also, || An Appendix, || By the Rev. 


Mr. Williams, of Springfield. || Likewise, || An Appendix, 
|| By the Rev. Mr. Taylor, of Deerfield. || With a Con 
clusion to the whole, || By the Rev. Mr. Prince, of Bos 
ton. || The Fourth Edition, with Additions. || Printed at 
Greenfield, Massachusetts. || By Thomas Dickman. || 
MDCCXCIII. || 12 mo., pp. (2), iii, 154. 

NOTE. Reprinted from the 1758 edition. Mr. Taylor s 
Appendix, pp. 121-151, contains an account "of the mis 
chief done by the enemy, in Deerfield, and its vicinity," 
from 1 745 to 1749 and from 1755 to 1759, closing with 
a circumstantial account of the Fall Fight, in May, 1676. 

Copies: Massachusetts Historical Society; New York 
Public Library (Lenox collection). 


The Sixth Edition. || Printed by Samuel Hall, No. 53, 
Cornhill, Boston. \\ 1795. || 12 mo, pp. 132. 

NOTE. A reprint of the edition of 1793, with Mr. 
Taylor s Appendix. 

Copies: Library of Congress; Massachusetts Histor 
ical Society; New York Public Library (Lenox collec 

1800 [or 1802] 

Subjoined to this is, || A Sermon, || delivered in the 
First Parish in Spring- || field, on the i6th of October, 
1775. || Just one hundred years from the burn- || ing of the 
town by the Indians. || By Robert Breck, A. M. || Pastor 


of the Church there. || The Sixth Edition, with Additions. 
|| Printed and sold at Greenfield, Mass, by || Thomas 
Dickman, \\ MDCCC. || 12 mo, pp. 248. 

NOTE. Although dated 1800 on the title page, this edi 
tion was perhaps really printed in 1802, if the date of Mr. 
Taylor s note, as given below, is correct. It is the most 
complete, in the way of Appendixes, of all the editions, 
as it contains on pp. 197-220 an "Historical Sketch of 
Deerfield," from 1669 to 1799, apparently not printed 
elsewhere, to which is prefixed this note: 

"Mr. Dickman, Sir, Agreeably to your request, I send 
you the following extracts from a discourse, delivered at 
Deerfield, on the first day of the present century. As 
you wish to annex these to my former appendix to Mr. 
Williams s narrative, it may be necessary to observe, that 
some parts of the historical sketch I have given of Deer- 
field, is drawn from the narrative itself. Yet as there 
are circumstances, which Mr. Williams omitted; I send 
you what I have written upon these events, without any 
material alterations. John Taylor. Deerfield, Jan. ist, 

The narrative of captivity ends on p. 125; Williams s 
Sermon on Dec. 5, 1706, fills pp. 127-148; Mr. Stephen 
Williams s Appendix, pp. 149-158; Rev. John Taylor s 
Appendix, pp. 159-197; Mr. T. Prince s Observations, 
pp. 220-224. Then follows Breck s Century Sermon, pp. 
225-248, first published at Hartford in 1784, and reprinted 
here with the following title: "Past Dispensations of 
Providence called to Mind. In a Sermon, delivered in 
the First Parish in Springfield, on the i6th of October 


1775. Just one hundred years from the burning of the 
town by the Indians. By Robert Breck, A. M. Pastor 
of the Church there." 

Copies: American Antiquarian Society. 


New-Haven: Printed by William W. Morse. \\ 1802. || 
12 mo, pp. 188. 

NOTE. Reprinted from the edition of 1793 or 1795, with 
Mr. Taylor s first Appendix. 

Copies: American Antiquarian Society; Boston Pub 
lic Library; Massachusetts Historical Society. 


The || Captivity and Deliverance || of || Mr. John Wil 
liams, || Pastor of the Church in Deerfield, || and || Mrs. 
Mary Rowlandson, || of Lancaster, || who were taken, 
together with their families || and neighbors, by the 
French and Indians, || and carried into Canada. || Written 
by Themselves. || Brookfield, || Printed by Hori Brown, |j 
From the press of E. Merriam & Co. || September 1811. 
|| 12 mo, pp. 116; Mrs. Rowlandson s Captivity, pp. 80. 

NOTE. This edition contains only the narrative of cap 
tivity, followed on pp. m-ii6, by a notice of Mr. Wil- 
liams s death in 1 729, " From the Weekly News Letter No. 
130, and the Weekly Journal No. 1 18. " Mrs. Rowland- 
son s narrative has a separate title, with imprint as in the 
first title: "The || Captivity and Deliverance || of || Mrs. 


Mary Rowlandson, || of Lancaster, || who was taken by 
the French and Indians, || Written by Herself." 
Copies: American Antiquarian Society. 


The || Deerfield Captive, || an || Indian Story; || being 
a || Narrative of Facts, || for || the instruction of the young. 
|| A. Phelps, || Greenfield, Mass. \\ 1832. || Square l8mo, 
pp. 68 and printed covers. 

NOTE. By the Rev. Titus Strong, D. D., but published 
anonymously. It was copyrighted in 1831, and the prefa 
tory note is dated Greenfield, Sept. 10, 1831. The frontis 
piece is a view of the old house in Deerfield which escaped 
the conflagration in 1704. The cover-title reads: "The 
Deerfield Captive, || an interesting Indian Story; being a 
narrative || of facts, || for the instruction of the young. 
|| [Picture.] || Green-field: || Published by A. Phelps." 


The || Redeemed Captive : || a Narrative || of the || Cap 
tivity, Sufferings, and Return || of the || Rev. John Wil 
liams, || minister of Deerfield, Massachusetts, || who was 
taken prisoner by the Indians j| on the destruction of the || 
town, A. D. 1704. || For Sabbath Schools. || New- 
York: Published by S. W. Benedict & Co. \\ Evangelist 
Office, No. 20, Ann St. || 1833. || 24 mo, pp. 116. Fron 
tispiece of the old house at Deerfield, and plate of cap 
tives in a canoe, facing p. 24. 


NOTE. Written in the form of letters by Rev. Joshua 
Leavitt, whose name appears in the copyright notice, and 
first published in the New-Tork Evangelist, in February 
and March, 1833. An appendix of historical documents 
fills pp. 89-116. 

The || Deerfield Captive. || An || Indian Story; || being 

a || Narrative of Facts, || for || the instruction of the 

young. || Second Edition. || A. Phelps, || Greenfield, Mass. 

|| 1834. || Square 18 mo, pp. 68, last page misnumbered 

78, and printed covers. 

NOTE. A reprint of the edition of 1832, with two 
additional woodcuts. 


The || Deerfield Captive, || an || Indian Story; || being a 
|| Narrative of Facts, || for the || instruction of the young. 
|| Third Edition. || A. Pbelps, \\ Greenfield, Mass. \\ 1837. 
|| Square 18 mo, pp. 68 and printed covers. 


A || Biographical Memoir || of the || Rev. John Wil 
liams, || First Minister of Deerfield, Massachusetts. || 
With a slight sketch of ancient Deerfield, and || and [sic] 
an account of the Indian Wars in that || place and vicin 
ity. || With an appendix, containing the journal of the || 


Rev. Doctor Stephen Williams, || of Longmeadow, dur 
ing his captivity, || and other papers relating to the early || 
Indian Wars in Deerfield. || By Stephen W. Williams, A. 
M.; M. D. || Honorary member of the New York Histor 
ical Society, &c. &c. || Author of the Catechism of Med 
ical Jurisprudence, &c. &c. || Greenfield, Mass. || Pub 
lished and printed by C. /. /. Ingersoll || 1837 || 12 mo, 
pp. 127. 

NOTE. "The Redeemed Captive . . has been out of print 
for more than twenty years. The demand for that work 
has been great for a longtime, and I have been induced to 
prepare another edition of it, in a new form, under the 
title of a Biographical Memoir of the pious and distin 
guished author of that work, in which I have thrown out 
much which has appeared to me extraneous, and have 
added many particulars in relation to his life and charac 
ter which have never before been published. The whole 
of it, except the extracts, is in my own language." 


Memoir of || Rev. John Williams, || the Deerfield 
Captive, || with sketches of || Early Indian Wars. || Green 
field, Mass. || 1841. || 12 mo, pp. 127. 

NOTE. Title-label as above pasted on outside of front 
cover. Inside title is dated 1837, and is identical with the 
edition described under that date, this being merely a 



The || Redeemed Captive returning to Zion: || or, || a || 
faithful history of remarkable || occurrences || in the 
Captivity and Deliverance || of || Mr. John Williams, || 
Minister of the Gospel in Deerfield, || who in the desola 
tion which befel that plantation by || an incursion of the 
French and Indians, was by them || carried away, with 
his family and his neighbor- || hood, into Canada, || drawn 
up by himself. || To which is added, || a biographical 
memoir of the || Reverend Author, || with || an appendix 
and notes, || by || Stephen W. Williams, A. M., M. D. || 
Honorary Member of the New York Historical Society, 
Corresponding || Member of the National Institute, etc., 
etc. || Northampton: \\ Hopkins, Bndgman, and Com 
pany. j| 1853. II J 2 m ) PP- JQ2. Frontispiece, View of 
the old house in Deerfield which escaped the conflagration 
in 1704; portrait, facing p. 144, of Stephen Williams, 
D. D. 


The || Deerfield Captive, || an || Indian Story; || being 
a || Narrative of Facts, || for || the instruction of the 
young. || Written by Rev. Titus Strong, D. D. || A. 
Phelps; || Greenfield, Mass.\\ 1834. Third Edition, re 
printed by F. G. Tilton &f Co., Greenfield, Mass. \\ 1884. 
|| Square 18 mo, pp. 63, and printed covers. Frontis 
piece of Memorial Stone erected by the Pocumtuck Val 
ley Memorial Association, Aug. 12, 1884. 


NOTE. This is really the fourth edition, although 
wrongly numbered the third. 


New Tracks in an Old Trail. || By George Sheldon. || 
(Read at P. V. M. A. meeting at Memorial hall, Old 
Deerfield, Feb. 28, 1899.) II I n - P- ^99-] 8 vo, pp. 11, 
in double columns. 

NOTE. A critical examination of "The Redeemed 
Captive" of Parson John Williams and the "Journal" 
of his son Stephen. 



Captain-General, and Governor in Chief, in 
and over her Majesty s Province of the 
Massachusetts-Bay in New-England, &c. 


It was a satyrical answer, and deeply re 
proachful to mankind, which the philosopher 
gave to that question, What soonest grows old? 
Replied, Thanks. The reproach of it would 
not be so sensible, were there not sensible 
demonstrations of the truth of it, in those that 
wear the character of the ingenuous. Such 
as are at first surprised at, and seem to have 
no common relish of divine goodness, yet too 
soon lose the impression: They sang God s 



praise, but soon forgat his works. That it 
should be thus with respect to our benefac 
tors on earth, is contrary to the ingenuity of 
human nature; but that our grateful resent 
ments of the signal favours of Heaven should 
soon be worn off by time, is, to the last degree 
criminal and unpardonable. 

It would be unaccountable stupidity in me, 
not to maintain the most lively and awful 
sense of divine rebukes, which the holy God 
has seen meet, in spotless sovereignty, to dis 
pense to me, my family and people, in deliv 
ering us into the hands of those that hated us; 
who led us into a strange land. My soul has 
these still in remembrance, and is humbled in 
me. However, God has given us plentiful oc 
casion to sing of mercy as well as judgment. 
The wonders of divine mercy, which we have 
seen in the land of our captivity, and deliver 
ance therefrom, cannot be forgotten without 
incurring the guilt of the blackest ingratitude. 

To preserve the memory of these, it has 
been thought adviseable to publish a short 



account of some of those signal appearances of 
divine power and goodness for us; hoping it 
may serve to excite the praise, faith and hope 
of all that love God; and may peculiarly serve 
to cherish a grateful spirit, and to render the 
impressions of God s mighty works indelible 
on my heart, and on those who with me have 
seen the wonders of the Lord, and tasted of 
his salvation; that we may not fall under that 
heavy charge made against Israel of old, Psal. 
Ixxviii. II, 42. They forgat his works, and 
the wonders he shewed them: They remembered 
not his hand, nor the day that he delivered them 
from the enemy. 

And I cannot, Sir, but think it most agree 
able to my duty toGod,our supreme redeemer, 
to mention your Excellency s name with hon 
our; since Heaven has honoured you as the 
prime instrument in returning our captivity. 
Sure I am, the laws of justice and gratitude 
(which are the laws of God) do challenge from 
us the most publick acknowledgments of your 
uncommon sympathy with us, your children, 



in our bonds, expressed in all endearing meth 
ods of parental care and tenderness. All your 
people are cherished under your wings, happy 
in your government, and are obliged to bless 
God for you: And among your people, those 
who are immediately exposed to the outrages of 
the enemy, have peculiarly felt refreshment 
from the benign influences of your wise and 
tender conduct; and are under the most sensi 
ble engagements to acknowledge your Excel 
lency, under God, as the breath of their 

Your uncommon sagacity and prudence, in 
contriving to loose the bonds of your captived 
children; your unwearied vigour and applica 
tion, in pursuing them, to work our deliver 
ance, can never be enough praised. It is most 
notorious, that nothing was thought too diffi 
cult by you to effect this design, in that you 
readily sent your own son, Mr. William Dud 
ley, to undergo the hazards and hardships of 
a tedious voyage, that this affair might be 
transacted with success; which must not be 



forgotten, as an expression of your great so 
licitude and zeal to recover us from the 
tyranny and oppression of our captivity. 

I doubt not but that the God, whom herein 
you have served, will remember, and glo 
riously reward you; and may Heaven long pre 
serve you at our helm, a blessing so necessary 
for the tranquility of this province, in this dark 
and tempestuous season. May the best of 
blessings, from the Father of Lights, be show 
ered down upon your person, family and gov 
ernment; which shall be the prayer of 
Your Excellency s most humble 

obedient, and dutiful servant, 
March 3, 1706,7. 




Z I O N . 

THE history I am going to write, proves, 
that days of fasting and prayer, without 
reformation, will not avail to turn away the 
anger of God from a professing people; and 
yet witnesseth, how very advantageous, gra 
cious supplications are, to prepare particular 
Christians, patiently to suffer the will of God, 
in very trying publick calamities. For some 
of us, moved with fear, set apart a day of 
prayer, to ask of God, either to spare, and 
save us from the hands of our enemies, or to 
prepare us to sanctify and honour him in what 



way soever he should come forth towards us. 
The places of Scripture from whence we were 
entertained, were Gen. xxxii. 10, n. I am 
not worthy of the least of all the mercies, and 
of all the truth which thou hast shewed unto 
thy servant. Deliver me, I pray thee, from the 
hand of my brother, from the hand of Esau: 
For I fear him, lest he will come and smite me, 
and the mother with the children. [In the fore 
noon.] And Gen. xxxii. 26. And he said, 
let me go, for the day breaketh: And he said, I 
will not let thee go, except thou bless me. [In 
the afternoon.] From which we were called 
upon to spread the causes of fear, relating to 
our own selves, or families, before God; as 
also, how it becomes us, with an undeniable 
importunity, to be following God, with ear 
nest prayers for his blessing, in every condi 
tion. And it is very observable, how God or 
dered our prayers, in a peculiar manner, to 
be going up to him; to prepare us, with a right 
Christian spirit, to undergo, and endure 
suffering trials. 



Not long after, the holy and righteous God 
brought us under great trials, as to our per 
sons and families, which put us under a neces 
sity of spreading before him, in a wilderness, 
the distressing dangers and calamities of our 
relations; yea, that called on us, notwithstand 
ing seeming present frowns, to resolve by his 
grace not to be sent away without a blessing. 
Jacob, in wrestling, has the hollow of his 
thigh put out of joint; and it is said to him, 
Let me go; yet he is rather animated to an 
heroical, Christian resolution to continue ear 
nest for the blessing, than discouraged from 

ON the twenty-ninth of February, 1703,4, 
not long before the break of day, the enemy 
came in like a flood upon us; our watch being 
unfaithful, an evil, whose awful effects, in a 
surprisal of our fort, should bespeak all watch 
men to avoid, as they would not bring the 
charge of blood upon themselves. They came 
to my house in the beginning of the onset, and 



by their violent endeavours to break open door 
and windows, with axes and hatchets, awaked 
me out of sleep; on which I leaped out of bed, 
and running toward the door, perceived the 
enemy making their entrance into the house. 
I called to awaken two soldiers, in the cham 
ber; and returned toward my bed-side, for my 
arms. The enemy immediately brake into 
the room, I judge to the number of twenty, 
with painted faces, and hideous acclamations. 
I reached up my hands to the bed-tester, for 
my pistol, uttering a short petition to God, for 
everlasting mercies for me and mine, on the 
account of the merits of our glorified Re 
deemer; expecting a present passage through 
the valley of the shadow of death; saying in 
myself, as Isaiah xxxviii. 10, II. / said, in 
the cutting off of my days, I shall go to the 
gates of the grave: I am deprived of the residue 
of my years. I said, I shall not see the Lord, 
even the Lord, in the land of the living: I shall 
behold man no more with the inhabitants of the 
world. Taking down my pistol, I cocked it, 



and put it to the breast of the first Indian who 
came up; but my pistol missing fire, I was 
seized by three Indians, who disarmed me, 
and bound me naked, as I was in my shirt, 
and so I stood for near the space of an hour. 
Binding me, they told me they would carry 
me to Quebec. My pistol missing fire was an 
occasion of my life s being preserved; since 
which I have also found it profitable to be 
crossed in my own will. The judgment of 
God did not long slumber against one of the 
three which took me, who was a captain, for 
by sun-rising he received a mortal shot from 
my next neighbour s house; who opposed so 
great a number of French and Indians as 


three hundred, and yet were no more than 
seven men in an ungarrisoned house. 

I cannot relate the distressing care I had 
for my dear wife, who had lain-in but a few 
weeks before, and for my poor children, fam 
ily, and Christian neighbours. The enemy fell 
to rifling the house, and entered in great num 
bers into every room of the house. I begged 



of God to remember mercy in the midst of 
judgment; that he would so far restrain their 
wrath, as to prevent their murdering of us; 
that we might have grace to glorify his name, 
whether in life or death; and, as I was able, 
committed our state to God. The enemies 
who entered the house were all of them In 
dians and Macquas*, insulted over me a while, 
holding up hatchets over my head, threatening 
to burn all I had; but yet God, beyond expec 
tation, made us in a great measure to be pitied; 
for though some were so cruel and bar 
barous as to take and carry to the door, two 
of my children, and murder them, as also a 
negro woman; yet they gave me liberty to put 
on my clothes, keeping me bound with a cord 
on one arm, till I put on my clothes to the 
other; and then changing my cord, they let 


* The attacking party consisted, according to French accounts, 
of 50 Canadians and zoo Abenaki and Caughnawaga Indians. 
The Caughnawagas, who were formerly called also Maquas or 
Macquas, were converted Mohawk Indians from New York who, 
induced by the French Jesuit missionaries to remove to Canada, 
settled at St. Louis, or Canghnawaga, on the right bank of the St. 
Lawrence, a little above Montreal, where their descendeuts still 


me dress myself, and then pinioned me again: 
Gave liberty to my dear wife to dress herself, 
and our children. About sun an hour high, 
we were all carried out of the house, for a 
march, and saw many of the houses of my 
neighbours in flames, perceiving the whole 
fort, one house excepted, to be taken. Who 
can tell what sorrows pierced our souls, when 
we saw ourselves carried away from God s 
sanctuary, to go into a strange land, exposed 
to so many trials ? The journey being at least 
three hundred miles we were to travel ; the 
snow up to the knees, and we never inured 
to such hardships and fatigues; the place we 
were to be carried to, a popish country. Upon 
my parting from the town, they fired my house 
and barn. We were carried over the river, to 
the foot of the mountain, about a mile from 
my house, where we found a great number of 
our Christian neighbours, men, women and 
children, to the number of an hundred, nine 
teen of whom were afterwards murdered by 
the way, and two starved to death, near 



Cowass, in a time of great scarcity or famine, 
the savages underwent there. When we came 
to the foot of the mountain, they took away our 
shoes, and gave us, in the room of them, In 
dian shoes, to prepare us for our travel. Whilst 
we were there, the English beat out a com 
pany, that remained in the town, and pursued 
them to the river, killing and wounding many 
of them, but the body of the army, being 
alarmed, they repulsed those few English that 
pursued them. 

I am not able to give you an account of the 
number of the enemy slain; but I observed 
after this fight, no great insulting mirth, as I 
expected; and saw many wounded persons, 
and for several days together they buried of 
their party, and one of chief note among the 
Macquas. The governour of Canada told me, 
his army had that success with the loss of but 
eleven men, three Frenchmen, one of whom 
was the lieutenant of the army, five Macquas, 
and three Indians: But after my arrival at 
Quebec, I spake with an Englishman, who 



was taken the last war, and married there, 
and of their religion; who told me, they lost 
above forty, and that many were wounded. I 
replied, the governour of Canada said they 
lost but eleven men. He answered, it is true, 
that there were but eleven killed out-right at 
the taking of the fort, but that many others 
were wounded, among whom was the ensign 
of the French; but, said he, they had a fight 
in the meadow, and that in both engagements 
they lost more than forty. Some of the sol 
diers, both French and Indians, then present, 
told me so, (said he), adding, that the French 
always endeavour to conceal the number of 
their slain. 

After this, we went up the mountain, and 
saw the smoke of the fires in town, and be 
held the awful desolations of Deerfield: And 
before we marched any farther, they killed a 
sucking child of the English. There were 
slain by the enemy, of the inhabitants of our 
town, to the number of thirty-eight, besides 
nine of the neighbouring towns. We 



travelled not far the first day; Qod made the 
heathen so to pity our children, that though 
they had several wounded persons of their 
own to carry upon their shoulders for thirty 
miles, before they came to the river, yet they 
carried our children, incapable of travelling, 
upon their shoulders, and in their arms. When 
we came to our lodging place, the first night, 
they dug away the snow, and made some wig 
wams, cut down some of the small branches 
of spruce trees to lie down on, and gave the 
prisoners somewhat to eat; but we had but 
little appetite. I was pinioned, and bound 
down that night, and so I was every night 
whilst I was with the army. Some of the 
enemy who brought drink with them from the 
town, fell to drinking, and in their drunken 
fit they killed my negro man, the only dead 
person I either saw at the town, or in the way. 
In the night an Englishman made his escape. 
In the morning I was called for, and ordered by 
the general to tell the English, that if any 
more made their escape, they would burn 



the rest of the prisoners. He that took me 
was unwilling to let me speak with any of the 
prisoners, as we marched; but on the morning 
of the second day, he being appointed to guard 
the rear, I was put into the hands of my other 
master, who permitted me to speak to my 
wife, when I overtook her, and to walk with 
her, to help her in her journey. On the way 
we discoursed of the happiness of those who 
had a right to an house not made with hands, 
eternal in the heavens; and God for a father, 
and friend; as also, that it was our reasonable 
duty, quietly to submit to the will of God, 
and to say, the will of the Lord be done. My 
wife told me her strength of body began to 
fail, and that I must expect to part with her; 
saying, she hoped God would preserve my 
life, and the life of some, if not all of our chil 
dren, with us; and commended to me, under 
God, the care of them. She never spake any 
discontented word as to what had befallen us, 
but with suitable expressions justified God in 
what had befallen us. We soon made an 



halt, in which time my chief surviving master 
came up, upon which I was put upon march 
ing with the foremost, and so made to take 
my last farewell of my dear wife, the desire 
of my eyes, and companion in many mercies 
and afflictions. Upon our separation from 
each other, we asked for each other, grace 
sufficient for what God should call us to. Af 
ter our being parted from one another, she 
spent the few remaining minutes of her stay in 
reading the holy Scriptures; which she was 
wont personally every day to delight her soul 
in reading, praying, meditating of, and over, 
by herself, in her closet, over and above what 
she heard out of them in our family worship. 
I was made to wade over a small river, and so 
were all the English, the water above knee- 
deep, the stream very swift; and after that, 
to travel up a small mountain; my strength 
was almost spent, before I came to the top 
of it. No sooner had I overcome the diffi 
culty of that ascent, but I was permitted to sit 
down, and be unburthened of my pack. I 



sat pitying those who were behind, and in- 
treated my master to let me go down, and help 
up my wife; but he refused, and would not 
let me stir from him. I asked each of the 
prisoners (as they passed by me) after her, 
and heard that in passing through the above- 
said river, she fell down, and was plunged 
over head and ears in the water; after 
which she traveled not far; for at the 
foot of this mountain, the cruel and blood 
thirsty savage, who took her, slew her with his 
hatchet, at one stroke; the tidings of which 
were very awful; and yet such was the hard- 
heartedness of the adversary, that my tears 
were reckoned to me as a reproach. My loss, 
and the loss of my children, was great; our 
hearts were so filled with sorrow, that nothing 
but the comfortable hopes of her being taken 
away in mercy to herself, from the evils we 
were to see, feel, and suffer under, (and joined 
to the assembly of the spirits of just men 
made perfect, to rest in peace, and joy un 
speakable, and full of glory, and the good 



pleasure of God thus to exercise us), could 
have kept us from sinking under, at that 
time. That Scripture, Job i. 21. Naked 
came I out of my mother s womb, and naked 
shall I return thither; the Lord gave, and the 
Lord hath taken away, blessed be the name of 
the Lord; was brought to my mind, and from 
it, that an afflicting God was to be glorified; 
with some other places of Scripture, to per 
suade to a patient bearing my afflictions. 

We were again called upon to march, with 
a far heavier burden on my spirits, than on 
my back. I begged of God, to over-rule, in 
his providence, that the corpse of one so dear 
to me, and of one whose spirit he had taken 
to dwell with him in glory, might meet with a 
Christian burial, and not be left for meat to 
the fowls of the air, and beasts of the earth : A 
mercy that God graciously vouchsafed to 
grant: For God put it into the hearts of my 
neighbours to come out as far as she lay, to 
take up her corpse, recarry it to the town, and 
decently to bury it, soon after. In our march 



they killed another sucking infant of one of 
my neighbours; and before night, a girl, of 
about eleven years of age. I was made to 
mourn at the consideration of my flock s be 
ing so far a flock of slaughter, many being 
slain in the town, and so many murdered in 
so few miles from the town; and from fears 
what we must yet expect from such who de 
lightfully imbrued their hands in the blood of 
so many of his people. When we came to 
our lodging place, an Indian captain from the 
eastward spake to my master about killing 
of me, and taking off my scalp. I lifted up 
my heart to God, to implore his grace and 
mercy in such a time of need; and afterwards 
I told my master, if he intended to kill me, 
I desired he would let me know of it, assuring 
him that my death, after a promise of quarter, 
would bring the guilt of blood upon him. He 
told me he would not kill me. We laid down 
and slept, for God sustained and kept us. In 
the morning we were all called before the 
chief sachems of the Macquas and Indians, 



that a more equal distribution might be made 
of the prisoners among them. At my going 
from the wigwam, my best clothing was taken 
away from me. As I came nigh the place ap 
pointed, some of the captives met me, and told 
me, they thought the enemies were going to 
burn some of us, for they had peeled off 
the bark from several trees, and acted very 
strangely. To whom I replied, they could act 
nothing against us, but as they were permitted 
of God, and I was persuaded he would pre 
vent such severities. When we came to the 
wigwam appointed, several of the captives 
were taken from their former masters, and 
put into the hands of others: But I was sent 
again to my two masters, who brought me 
from my house. 

In our fourth day s march, the enemy killed 
another of my neighbours, who being near the 
time of travail, was wearied with her journey. 
When we came to the great river, the enemy 
took sleighs to draw their wounded, several 
of our children, and their packs; and marched 


a great pace. I travelled many hours in 
water up to the ankles. Near night I was 
very lame, having before my travel wrenched 
my ankle-bone and sinews. I thought, so did 
others, that I should not be able to hold out 
to travel far. I lifted up my heart to God (my 
only refuge) to remove my lameness, and carry 
me through with my children and neighbours, 
if he judged it best. However, I desired God 
would be with me in my great change, if he 
called me by such a death to glorify him; and 
that he would take care of my children and 
neighbours, and bless them; and within a 
little space of time, I was well of my lameness, 
to the joy of my children and neighbours, 
that saw so great an alteration in my 

On the Saturday, the journey was long and 
tedious; we travelled with such speed, that 
four women were tired, and then slain by them 
who led them captive. 

On the Sabbath day we rested, and I was 
permitted to pray and preach to the captives. 



The place of Scripture spoken from, was Lam. 
i. 1 8. The Lord is righteous, for I have re 
belled against his commandment: Hear, I pray 
you, all people, and behold my sorrow: My 
virgins and my young men are gone into 
captivity. The enemy, who said to us, sing us 
one of Zion s songs, were ready, some of them, 
to upbraid us, because our singing was not 
so loud as theirs. When the Macquas and 
Indians were chief in power, we had this re 
vival in our bondage; to join together in the 
worship of God, and encourage one another to 
a patient bearing the indignation of the Lord, 
till he should plead our cause. When we ar 
rived at New-France we were forbidden pray 
ing one with another, or joining together in 
the service of God. 

The next day, soon after we marched, we 
had an alarm; on which many of the Eng 
lish were bound. I was then near the front, 
and my masters not with me; so I was not 
bound. This alarm was occasioned by some 
Indians shooting at geese that flew over them, 



that put them into a considerable consterna 
tion and fright; but after they came to under 
stand they were not pursued by the English, 
they boasted, that the English would not come 
out after them, as they had boasted before 
we began our journey in the morning. They 
killed this day two women, who were so faint 
they could not travel. 

The next day, in the morning, before we 
travelled, one Mary Brooks, a pious young 
woman, came to the wigwam where I was, 
and told me, she desired to bless God, who 
had inclined the heart of her master to let her 
come to take her farewell of me. Said she, 
by my falls on the ice yesterday I injured 
myself, causing a miscarriage this night, so 
that I am not able to travel far; I know they 
will kill me to-day; but (says she) God has 
(praised be his name) by his spirit with his 
word, strengthened me to my last encounter 
with death: And mentioned to me some places 
of Scripture seasonably sent in for her sup 
port. And (says she) I am not afraid of death; 



I can, through the grace of God, chearfully 
submit to the will of God. Pray for me (said 
she) at parting, that God would take me to 
himself. Accordingly she was killed that day. 
I mention it to the end, I may stir up all in 
their young days, to improve the death of 
Christ by faith, to a giving them an holy bold 
ness in the day of death. 

The next day we were made to scatter one 
from another into smaller companies; and one 
of my children carried away with Indians be 
longing to the eastern parts. At night my 
master came to me, with my pistol in his hand, 
and put it to my breast, and said, now I will 
kill you, for (said be) at your house you would 
have killed me with it if you could. But, by 
the grace of God, I was not much daunted; 
and whatever his intention might be, God 
prevented my death. 

The next day I was again permitted to 
pray with that company of captives with me, 
and we allowed to sing a psalm together. Af 
ter which, I was taken from all the company 



of the English, excepting two children of my 
neighbours, one of which, a girl of four years 
of age, was killed by her Macqua master, the 
next morning, the snow being so deep, when 
we left the river, that he could not carry the 
child and his pack too. 

When the Sabbath came, one Indian staid 
with me, and a little boy nine years old, 
whilst the rest went a hunting. And when I 
was here, I thought with myself, that God 
had now separated me from the congregation 
of his people, who were now in his sanctuary, 
where he commandeth the blessing, even life 
forever; and made to bewail my unfruitful- 
ness under, and unthankfulness for such a 
mercy. When my spirit was almost over 
whelmed within me, at the consideration of 
what had passed over me, and what was to 
be expected, I was ready almost to sink in my 
spirit. But God spake those words with a 
greater efficacy than man could speak them, 
for my strengthening and support: Psal. cxviii. 
17. / shall not die, but live: And declare the 



works of the Lord. Psalm xlii. II. Why art 
thou cast down, my soul? And why art thou 
disquieted within me ? Hope thou in God; for 
I shall yet praise him, who is the health of my 
countenance, and my God. Nehem. i. 8, 9. 
Remember, I beseech thee, the word that thou 
commandest thy servant Moses, saying, if ye 
transgress, I will scatter you abroad among 
the nations: But if ye turn unto me, and keep 
my commandments, and do them; though there 
were of you cast out unto the uttermost part of the 
heaven, yet will I gather them from thence, and 
will bring them unto the place that I have 
chosen, to set my name there. These three 
places of Scripture, one after another, by the 
grace of God, strengthened my hopes, that 
God would to far restrain the wrath ^of the 
adversary, that the greatest number of us left 
alive, should be carried! through so tedious 
a journey: That thoughfmy children had no 
father to take care of them, that word quieted 
me to a patient waiting to see the end the 
Lord would make, Jer. xlix. n. Leave thy 



fatherless children, I will preserve them alive, 
and let thy widows trust in me. Accordingly 
God carried them wonderfully through great 
difficulties and dangers. My youngest daugh 
ter, aged seven years, was carried all the 
journey, and looked after with a great deal of 
tenderness. My youngest son, aged four 
years, was wonderfully preserved from death; 
for though they that carried him, or drawed 
him on sleighs, were tired with their journey, 
yet their savage cruel tempers were so over 
ruled by God, that they did not kill him; but 
in their pity, he was spared, and others would 
take care of him; so that four times on the 
journey he was thus preserved, till at last he 
arrived at Montreal, where a French gentle 
woman, pitying the child, redeemed it out 
of the hands of the heathen. My son Sam 
uel, and my eldest daughter, were pitied, so 
as to be drawn on sleighs, when unable to 
travel. And though they suffered very much 
through scarcity of food, and tedious jour 
neys, they were carried through to Montreal. 



And my son Stephen, about eleven years of 
age, wonderfully preserved from death, in the 
famine whereof three English persons died, 
and after eight months brought into Chamblee. 
My master returned on the evening of the 
Sabbath, and told me, he had killed five 
moose. The next day we removed to the 
place where he had killed them. We tarried 
there three days, till we had roasted and dried 
the meat. My master made me a pair of 
snow-shoes, for (said he) you cannot pos 
sibly travel without, the snow being knee- 
deep. We parted from thence heavy laden; 
I travelled with a burden on my back, with 
snow-shoes, twenty-five miles the first day of 
wearing them; and again the next day till 
afternoon; and then we came to the French 
river. My master, at this place, took away 
my pack, and drawed the whole load on the 
ice; but my bones seemed to be misplaced, 
and I unable to travel with any speed. My 
feet were very sore, and each night I wrung 
blood out of my stockings, when I pulled them 



off. My shins also were very sore, being cut 
with crusty snow, in the time of my trav 
elling without snow-shoes. But finding some 
dry oak-leaves, by the river banks, I put them 
to my shins; and in once applying of them, 
they were healed. And here my master was 
very kind to me, would always give me the 
best he had to eat; and by the goodness of 
God, I never wanted a meal s meat, during 
my captivity ; though some of my children 
and neighbours were greatly wounded, (as 
I may say) with the arrows of famine and 
pinching want; having for many days nothing 
but roots to live upon, and not much of them 
neither. My master gave me a piece of a 
Bible; never disturbing me in reading the 
Scriptures, or in praying to God. Many of 
my neighbours, also, found that mercy in their 
journey, to have Bibles, psalm books, cate 
chisms, and good books, put into their hands, 
with liberty to use them; and yet after their 
arrival at Canada, all possible endeavours 
were used to deprive them of them. Some of 



them say, their Bibles were demanded by the 
French priests, and never re-delivered to 
them, to their great grief and sorrow. 

My march on the French river was very 
sore; for fearing a thaw, we travelled a very 
great pace; my feet were so bruised, and my 
joints so distorted by my travelling in snow 
shoes, that I thought it impossible to hold out. 
One morning, a little before break of day, my 
master came and awakened me out of my 
sleep, saying, arise, pray to God, and eat your 
breakfast, for we must go a great way 
to-day. After prayer, I arose from my knees, 
but my feet were so tender, swoln, bruised, 
and full of pain, that I could scarce stand 
upon them, without holding on the wigwam. 
And when the Indians said, you must run to 
day; I answered, I could not run: My master 
pointing out to his hatchet, said to me, then 
I must dash out your brains, and take off 
your scalp. I said, I suppose then you will 
do so, for I am not able to travel with speed. 
He sent me away alone on the ice. About 



sun half an hour high, he over-took me, for 
I had gone very slowly, not thinking it pos 
sible to travel five miles. When he came up, 
he called me to run; I told him I could go no 
faster. He passed by without saying one 
word more; so that sometimes I scarce saw 
any thing of him for an hour together. I 
travelled from about break of day till dark; 
never so much as set down at noon to eat 
warm victuals; eating frozen meat, which I 
had in my coat pocket, as I travelled. We 
went that day two of their day s journey, as 
they came down. I judge we went forty or 
forty-five miles that day. God wonderfully 
supported me; and so far renewed my strength, 
that in the afternoon I was stronger to travel 
than in the forenoon. My strength was re 
stored and renewed to admiration. We should 
never distrust the care and compassion of 
God, who can give strength to them who 
have no might, and power to them who are 
ready to faint. 

When we entered on the lake, the ice was 



very rough and uneven, which was very griev 
ous to my feet, that could scarce endure to 
be set down on the smooth ice, on the river. 
I lifted up my cry to God in ejaculatory re 
quests, that he would take notice of my state, 
and some way or other relieve me. I had not 
marched above half a mile, before there fell 
a moist snow, about an inch and half deep, 
that made it very soft for my feet, to pass 
over the lake, to the place where my master s 
family was. Wonderful favours in the midst 
of trying afflictions ! We went a day s jour 
ney from the lake, to a small company of In 
dians, who were a hunting; they were, after 
their manner, kind to me, and gave me the 
best they had, which was moose flesh, ground 
nuts, and cramberries, but no bread. For three 
weeks together I eat no bread. After our 
stay there, and undergoing difficulties in cut 
ting of wood, and suffering from lousiness, 
having lousy old clothes of soldiers put upon 
me, when they stript me of mine, to sell to 
the French soldiers in the army. 



We again began a march for Chamblee;we 
stayed at a branch of the lake, and feasted 
two or three days on geese we killed there. 
After another day s travel, we came to a 
river where the ice was thawed; we made 
a canoe of elm-bark in one day, and arrived 
on a Saturday near noon, at Chamblee, a 
small village, where is a garrison and fort of 
French soldiers. 


This village is about fifteen miles from 
Montreal. The French were very kind to 
me. A gentleman of the place took me into 
his house, and to his table; and lodged me at 
night on a good feather-bed. The inhabi 
tants and officers were very obliging to me, 
the little time I staid with them, and promised 
to write a letter to the governour in chief, to 
inform him of my passing down the river. 
Here I saw a girl taken from our town, and a 
young man, who informed me, that the great 
est part of the captives were come in, and that 
two of my children were at Montreal; that 



many of the captives had been in three weeks 
before my arrival. Mercy in the midst of 
judgment! As we passed along the river to 
wards Sorel, we went into a house, where was 
an English woman of our town, who had 
been left among the French in order to her 
conveyance to the Indian fort. The French 
were very kind to her, and to myself, and gave 
us the best provision they had; and she em 
barked with us, to go down to St. Francois 
fort. When we came down to the first in 
habited house at Sorel, a French woman came 
to the river side, and desired us to go into her 
house; and when we were entered, she corn- 
passioned our state, and told us, she had in 
the last war been a captive among the Indians, 
and therefore was not a little sensible of our 
difficulties. She gave the Indians something 
to eat in the chimney corner, and spread a 
cloth on the table for us with napkins; which 
gave such offence to the Indians, that they 
hasted away, and would not call in at the fort. 
But wherever we entered into houses, the 



French were very courteous. When we came 
to St. Francois river, we found some difficulty 
by reason of the ice; and entering a French 
man s house, he gave us a loaf of bread, and 
some fish to carry away with us; but we passed 
down the river till night, and there seven of 
us supped on the fish called bull-head or 
pout, and did not eat it up, the fish was so 
very large. 

The next morning we met with such a 
great quantity of ice, that we were forced to 
leave our canoe, and travel on land. We 
went to a French officer s house, who took us 
into a private room, out of the sight of the 
Indians, and treated us very courteously. 
That night we arrived at the fort called St. 
Francois; where we found several poor chil 
dren, who had been taken from the eastward 
the summer before; a sight very affecting, 
they being in habit very much like Indians, 
and in manners very much symbolizing with 
them. At this fort lived two Jesuits, one of 
which was made superiour of the Jesuits of 



Quebec. One of these Jesuits met me at the 
fort gate, and asked me to go into the church 
and give God thanks for preserving my life. 
I told him I would do that in some other 
place. When the bell rang for evening pray 
ers, he that took me, bid me go; but I refused. 
The Jesuit came to our wigwam, and prayed 
a short prayer, and invited me to sup with 
them, and justified the Indians in what they 
did against us; rehearsing some things done 
by Major Walden, above thirty years ago; 
and how justly God retaliated them in the 
last war, and inveighed against us for begin 
ning this war with the Indians: And said, we 
had before the last winter, and in the 
winter, been very barbarous and cruel, in 
burning and killing Indians. I told them, 
that the Indians, in a very perfidious manner, 
had committed murders on many of our in 
habitants, after the signing articles of peace: 
And as to what they spake of cruelties, they 
were undoubtedly falsehoods, for I well 
knew the English were not approvers of an 



inhumanity or barbarity towards enemies. 
They said, an Englishman had killed one of St. 
Casteen s relations, which occasioned this war; 
for, say they, the nations, in a general coun 
sel, had concluded not to engage in the war, 
on any side, till they themselves were first 
molested, and then all of them, as one, would 
engage against them that began a war with 
them; and that upon the killing of Casteen s 
kinsman, a post was dispatched to Canada, 
to advertise the Macquas, and Indians, that 
the English had begun a war: On which they 
gathered up their forces, and that the French 
joined with them, to come down on the eas 
tern parts; and that when they came near 
New-England, several of the eastern Indians 
told them of the peace made with the English, 
and the satisfaction given them from the Eng 
lish for that murder. But the Macquas told 
them, it was now too late; for they were sent 
for, and were now come, and would fall on 
them, if without their consent they made a 
peace with the English. Said also, that a 



letter was shown them, sent from the gover- 
nour of Port-Royal, which, he said, was taken 
in an English ship, being a letter from the 
queen of England to our governour, writing 
how she approved his designs to ensnare and 
deceitfully to seize on the Indians; so that 
being enraged from that letter, and being 
forced, as it were, they began the present 
war. I told them the letter was a lie, forged 
by the French. 

The next morning the bell rang for mass: 
My master bid me go to church: I refused: 
He threatened me, and went away in a rage. 
At noon, the Jesuits sent for me to dine with 
them; for I eat at their table all the time I 
was at the fort. And after dinner, they told 
me, the Indians would not allow of any of 
their captives staying in their wigwams, whilst 
they were at church; and were resolved by 
force and violence to bring us all to church, 
if we would not go without. I told them it 
was highly unreasonable so to impose upon 
those who were of a contrary religion; and to 



force us to be present at such service, as we 
abhorred, was nothing becoming Christianity. 
They replied, they were savages, and would 
not hearken to reason, but would have their 
wills; Said also, if they were in New-England 
themselves, they would go into their churches, 
to see their ways of worship. I answered, 
the case was far different, for there was noth 
ing (themselves being judges) as to matter 
or manner of worship, but what was accord 
ing to the word of God, in our churches; and 
therefore it could not be an offence to any 
man s conscience. But among them, there 
were idolatrous superstitions in worship. They 
said, Come and see, and offer us conviction 
of what is superstitious in worship. To 
which I answered, That I was not to do evil 
that good might come on it; and that forcing 
in matters of religion was hateful. They an 
swered, The Indians were resolved to have 
it so, and they could not pacify them without 
my coming; and they would engage they 
should offer no force or violence to cause any 
compliance with their ceremonies. The 


The next mass, my master bid me go to 
church: I objected; he arose, and forcibly 
pulled me by my head and shoulders out of 
the wigwam to the church, which was near 
the door. So I went in, and sat down behind 
the door; and there saw a great confusion, 
instead of any gospel order; for one of the 
Jesuits was at the altar, saying mass in a 
tongue unknown to the savages; and the other, 
between the altar and the door, saying and 
singing prayers among the Indians at the 
same time; and many others were at the same 
time saying over their pater nosters, and Ave 
Mary, by tale from their chapelit, or beads on 
a string. At our going out, we smiled at 
their devotion so managed; which was offen 
sive to them; for they said we made a derision 
of their worship. When I was here, a cer 
tain savagess died; one of the Jesuits told me 
she was a very holy woman, who had not 
committed one sin in twelve years. After a 
day or two, the Jesuits asked me what I 
thought of their way, now I saw it ? I told 



them, I thought Christ said of it, as Mark 
vii. 7, 8, 9. Howbeit, in vain do they worship 
me, teaching for doctrines the commandments 
of men. For laying aside the commandment 
of God, ye hold the tradition of men, as the 
washing of pots and cups; and many other 
such like things ye do. And he said unto 
them, Full well ye reject the commandment of 
God, that ye may keep your own tradition. They 
told me, they were not the commandments 
of men but apostolical traditions, of equal 
authority with the holy Scriptures : And that 
after my death, I should bewail my not pray 
ing to the Virgin Mary; and that I should 
find the want of her intercession for me with 
her son; judging me to hell for asserting the 
Scriptures to be a perfect rule of faith: And 
said, I abounded in my own sense, entertain 
ing explications contrary to the sense of the 
pope, regularly sitting with a general coun 
cil, explaining Scripture, and making articles 
of faith. I told them, it was my comfort 
that Christ was to be my judge, and not they, 



at the great day; and as for their censuring 
and judging me, I was not moved with it. 

One day, a certain savagess, taken prisoner 
in Philip s war, who had lived at Mr. Buck 
ley s at Weathersfield, called Ruth, who could 
speak English very well, who had been often 
at my house, but was now proselyted to the 
Romish faith, came into the wigwam, and 
with her an English maid, who was taken the 
last war, who was dressed up in Indian ap 
parel, unable to speak one word of English, 
who said she could neither tell her own name, 
or the name of the place from whence she 
was taken. These two talked in the Indian 
dialect with my master a long time; after 
which, my master bade me cross myself; I 
told him I would not; he commanded me sev 
eral times, and I as often refused. Ruth 
said, Mr. Williams, you know the Scripture, 
and therfore act against your own light; for 
you know the Scripture saith, servants obey 
your masters: he is your master, and you his 
servant. I told her she was ignorant, and 



knew not the meaning of the Scriptures, tell 
ing her, I was not to disobey the great God 
to obey any master, and that I was ready to 
suffer for God, if called thereto: On which 
she talked to my master; I suppose she 
interpreted what I said. My master took hold 
of my hand to force me to cross myself; but I 
struggled with him, and would not suffer him 
to guide my hand; upon this, he pulled off a 
crucifix from his own neck, and bade me kiss 
it; but I refused once and again; he told me 
he would dash out my brains with his hatchet 
if I refused. I told him I should sooner 
choose death than to sin against God. Then 
he ran and catched up his hatchet, and acted 
as though he would have dashed out my 
brains. Seeing I was not moved, he threw 
down his hatchet, saying he would first bite 
off all my nails if I still refused. I gave him 
my hand, and told him I was ready to suffer; 
he set his teeth in my thumb nail, and gave 
a gripe with his teeth, and then said, no good 
minister, no love God, as bad as the devil; and 



so left off. I have reason to bless God, who 
strengthened me to withstand. By this he 
was so discouraged as never more to meddle 
with me about my religion. I asked leave 
of the Jesuits to pray with those English of our 
town who were with me; but they absolutely 
refused to give us any permission to pray one 
with another, and did what they could to 
prevent our having any discourse together. 

After a few days, the Governour de Vau- 
dreuil, governour in chief, sent down two men 
with letters to the Jesuits, desiring them to 
order my being sent up to him to Montreal; 
upon which, one of the Jesuits went with my 
two masters, and took me along with them, 
as also two more of Deerfield, a man, and his 
daughter about seven years of age. When we 
came to the lake, the wind was tempestuous, 
and contrary to us, so that they were afraid to 
go over; they landed, and kindled a fire, and 
said they would wait a while to see whether 
the wind would fall or change. I went aside 
from the company, among the trees, and 



spread our case, with the temptations of it, 
before God, and pleaded that he would order 
the season so, that we might not go back again, 
but be furthered on our voyage, that I might 
have opportunity to see my children and 
neighbours, and converse with them, and 
know their state. When I returned, the wind 
was more boisterous; and then a second time, 
and the wind was more fierce. I reflected 
upon myself for my unquietness, and the want 
of a resigned will to the will of God. And a 
third time went and bewailed before God my 
anxious cares, and the tumultuous workings 
of my own heart, begged a will fully resigned 
to the will of God, and thought that by the 
grace of God I was brought to say amen to 
whatever God should determine. Upon my 
return to the company, the wind was yet 
high: The Jesuit and my master said, Come, 
we will go back again to the fort, for there is 
no likelihood of proceeding in our voyage, for 
very frequently such a wind continues three 
days, sometimes six. After it continued so 



many hours, I said to them, The will of the 
Lord be done; and the canoe was put again 
into the river, and we embarked. No sooner 
had my master put me into the canoe, and put 
off from the shore, but the wind fell; and 
coming into the middle of the river, they said, 
We may go over the lake well enough: And 
so we did. I promised if God gave me oppor 
tunity, I would stir up others to glorify God 
in a continued persevering, committing their 
straits of heart to him. He is a prayer-hear 
ing God, and the stormy winds obey him. 
After we passed over the lake, the French, 
wherever we came, were very compassionate 
to us. 


When I came to Montreal, which was eight 
weeks after my captivity, the Governour de 
Vaudreuil redeemed me out of the hands of 
the Indians, gave me good clothing, took me 
to his table, gave me the use of a very good 
chamber, and was in all respects, relating to 
my outward man, courteous and charitable 



to admiration. At my first entering into his 
house, he sent for my two children, who were 
in the city, that I might see them; and prom 
ised to do what he could to get all my children 
and neighbours out of the hands of the savages. 
My change of diet, after the difficulties of my 
journeys, caused an alteration in my body: 
I was physicked, blooded, and very tenderly 
taken care of in my sickness. The governour 
redeemed my eldest daughter out of the hands 
of the Indians; and she was carefully tended 
in the hospital, until she was well of her lame 
ness; and by the governour provided for with 
respect, during her stay in the country. My 
youngest child was redeemed by a gentle 
woman in the city, as the Indians passed by. 
After the Indians had been at their fort, and 
discoursed with the priests, they came back, 
and offered to the gentlewoman a man for the 
child, alleging that the child could not be 
profitable to her, but the man would, for he 
was a weaver, and his service would much 
advance the design she had of making cloth: 



But God over-ruled so far, that this tempta 
tion to the woman prevailed not for an ex 
change; for had the child gone to the Indian 
fort, in an ordinary way it had abode there 
still, as the rest of the children carried thither 
do. The governour gave orders to certain 
officers to get the rest of my children out of 
the hands of the Indians, and as many of my 
neighbours as they could. After six weeks, a 
merchant of the city obtained my eldest son, 
who was taken to live with him. He took a 
great deal of pains to persuade the savages 
to part with him. An Indian came to the 
city (Sagamore George of Pennicook) from 
Cowass, and brought word of my son Ste 
phen s being near Cowass, and some money 
was put into his hand for his redemption, and 
a promise of full satisfaction if he brought 
him; but the Indian proved unfaithful, and I 
never saw my child till a year after. 

The governour ordered a priest to go 
along with me to see my youngest daughter 
among the Macquas, and endeavour for her 



ransom. I went with him; he was very cour 
teous to me; and from his parish, which was 
near the Macqua fort, he wrote a letter to the 
Jesuit, to desire him to send my child to see 
me, and to speak with them who took her, 
to come along with her. But the Jesuit wrote 
back a letter, That I should not be permitted 
to speak with, or see my child; and if I came, 
my labour would be lost; and that the Mac- 
quas would as soon part with their hearts as 
my child. At my return to the city, I with an 
heavy heart carried the Jesuit s letter to the 
governour, who, when he read it, was very 
angry, and endeavoured to comfort me, as- 
suring me I should see her, and speak with 
her; and he would to his utmost endeavour for 
her ransom. Accordingly, he sent to the Jes 
uits, who were in the city, and bid them im 
prove their interest for the obtaining the 
child. After some days, he went with me in 
his own person to the fort. When we came 
thither, he discoursed with the Jesuits; after 
which, my child was brought into the chamber 



where I was. I was told I might speak 
with her, but should be permitted to speak to 
no other English person there. My child was 
about seven years old; I discoursed with her 
near an hour; she could read very well, and 
had not forgotten her catechism; and was very 
desirous to be redeemed out of the hands of 
the Macquas, and bemoaned her state among 
them, telling me how they profaned God s 
Sabbaths; and said, She thought that a few 
days before they had been mocking the devil, 
and that one of the Jesuits stood and looked 
on them. I told her, she must pray to God 
for his grace every day. She said, she did 
as she was able, and God helped her; but, 
says she, They force me to say some prayers 
in Latin, but I do not understand one word of 
them; I hope it will not do me any harm. I 
told her, she must be careful she did not for 
get her catechism, and the Scriptures she had 
learnt by heart. She told the captives after 
I was gone, as some of them have since in 
formed me, almost every thing I spake to her; 



and said, she was much afraid she should for 
get her catechism, having none to instruct 
her. I saw her once, a few days after, in the 
city, but had not many minutes of time with 
her; but what time I had, I improved to give 
her the best advice I could. The governour 
laboured much for her redemption; at last he 
had a promise of it, in case he would procure 
for them an Indian girl in her stead. Accord 
ingly, he sent up the river, some hundreds 
of leagues, for one; but it was refused, when 
offered by the governour. He offered them 
an hundred pieces of eight for her redemp 
tion, but it was refused. His lady went over 
to beg her from them, but all in vain; she is 
there still; and has forgotten to speak English. 
Oh! that all who peruse this history would 
join in their fervent requests to God, with 
whom all things are possible, that this poor 
child, and so many others of our children 
who have been cast upon God from the 
womb, and are now outcasts ready to perish, 
might be gathered from their dispersions, 
and receive sanctifying grace from God! 



When I had discoursed with the child, and 
was coming out of the fort, one of the Jesuits 
went out of the chamber with me, and some 
soldiers, to convey me to the canoe. I saw 
some of my poor neighbours, who stood with 
longing expectations to see me, and speak 
with me, and had leave from their savage 
masters so to do. I was by the Jesuit him 
self thrust along by force, and permitted only 
to tell them some of their relations (they asked 
after) were well in the city, and that with a 
very audible voice; being not permitted to 
come near to them. After my return to the 
city I was very melancholy, for I could not 
be permitted so much as to pray with the 
English, who dwelt in the same house. And 
the English, who came to see me, were most 
of them put back by the guard at the door, 
and not suffered to come and speak with me. 
Sometimes the guard was so strict that I 
could scarce go aside on necessary occasions 
without a repulse; and whenever I went out 
into the city (a favour the governour himself 



never refused when I asked it of him) there 
were spies to watch me, and to observe 
whether I spake to the English. Upon which 
I told some of the English, they must be 
careful to call to mind and improve former 
instructions, and endeavour to stand at a fur 
ther distance for a while, hoping that after 
a short time I should have more liberty of 
conversing with them. But some spies, sent 
out, found on a Sabbath day more than 
three (the number we, by their order pub 
lished, were not to exeed together) of us in 
company, who informed the priest; the next 
day one of the priests told me, I had a greater 
number of the English with me, and that I 
had spoken something reflecting on their 
religion. I spake to the governour, desiring 
that no forcible means might be used with 
any of the captives respecting their religion; 
he told me, he allowed no such thing. I am 
persuaded that the governour, if he might 
act himself, would not have suffered such 
things to be done as have been done, and that 



he never did know of several things acted 
against the English. 

At my first coming to Montreal, the gov- 
ernour told me, I should be sent home as 
soon as Captain Battiss was returned, and not 
before; and that I was taken in order to his 
redemption. The governour sought by all 
means to divert me from my melancholy 
sorrows, and always shewed a willingness for 
seeing my children. And one day I told him of 
my design of walking into the city; he pleas 
antly answered, Go with all my heart. His eld 
est son went with me as far as the door and saw 
the guard stop me; he went in and informed 
his father, who came to the door and asked, 
why they affronted the gentleman going out ? 
They said, it was their order: But with an 
angry countenance he said, his orders were 
that I should not be stopt. But within a 
little time I had my orders to go down to 
Quebec. Another thing shewing that many 
things are done without the governour s con 
sent, though his name be used to justify 



them, (viz.) I asked the priest, after I had 
been at Montreal two days, leave to go and 
see my youngest child; he said, Whenever 
you would see him, tell me, and I will bring 
him to you; for, says he, the governour is not 
willing you should go thither. /And yet, not 
many days after, when we were at dinner, 
the governour s lady (seeing me sad) spake 
to an officer at table, who could speak Latin, 
to tell me, that after dinner I should go along 
with them and see my two children. And 
accordingly after dinner I was carried to see 
them; and when I came to the house, I found 
three or four English captives, who lived 
there, and I had leave to discourse with them. 
And not long after, the governour s lady asked 
me to go along with her to the hospital, to 
see one of my neighbours sick there. 

One day one of the Jesuits came to the gov 
ernour, and told the company there, that he 
never saw such persons as were taken from 
Deerfield. Said he, The Macquas will not 
suffer any of their prisoners to abide in their 



wigwams whilst they themselves are at mass, 
but carry them with them to the church, and 
they cannot be prevailed with to fall down on 
their knees to pray there; but no sooner are 
they returned to their wigwams, but they fall 
down on their knees to prayer. He said, 
they could do nothing with the grown persons 
there; and they hindered the children s com 
plying. Whereupon, the Jesuits counselled 
the Macquas to sell all the grown persons 
from the fort; a stratagem to seduce poor 
children. Oh Lord! Turn the counsels of 
these Ahitophels into foolishness, and make 
the counsels of the heathen of none effect! 

Here I observed, they were wonderfully 
lifted up with pride, after the return of Cap 
tain Montigny from Northampton, with news 
of success: They boasted of their success 
against New-England. And they sent out 
an army, as they said, of seven hundred men, 
if I mistake not, two hundred of whom were 
French, in company of which army went 
several Jesuits; and said, they would lay deso 


late all the places on Connecticut river. The 
superiour of the priests told me, their gen 
eral was a very prudent and brave commander 
of undaunted courage, and doubted not but 
they should have great success. This army 
went away in such a boasting, triumphant 
manner, that I had great hopes God would 
discover and disappoint their designs; our 
prayers were not wanting for the blasting 
such a bloody design. The superiour of the 
priests said to me, Do not flatter yourselves 
in hopes of a short captivity; for, said he, 
there are two young princes contending for 
the kingdom of Spain; and a third, that care 
was to be taken for his establishment on the 
English throne. And boasted what they would 
do in Europe; and that we must expect not 
only in Europe, but in New-England, the es 
tablishment of popery. I said, Glory not, 
God can make great changes in a little time, 
and revive his own interest, and yet save his 
poor afflicted people. Said he, The time for 
miracles is past; and in the time of the last 



war, the king of France was, as it were, 
against all the world, and yet did very great 
things; but now the kingdom of Spain is for 
him, and the duke of Bavaria, and the duke 
of Savoy, &c. and spake in a lofty manner of 
great things to be done by them; and having 
the world, as I may say, in subjection to them. 

I was sent down to Quebec in company 
ofGovernour de Ramsey, go vernour of Mon 
treal, and the superiour of the Jesuits, and 
ordered to live with one of the council; from 
whom I received many favours for seven 
weeks. He told me, it was the priests do 
ings to send me down before the governour 
came down; and that if I went much to see 
the English, or they came much to visit me, 
I should yet certainly be sent away, where I 
should have no converse with the English. 
[At Q u E B E c.] 

After my coming down to Quebec, I was 
invited to dine with the Jesuits, and to my 
face they were civil enough. But after a few 
days, a young gentleman came to my cham 


her, and told me, that one of the Jesuits (af 
ter we had done dinner) made a few distichs 
of verses, and gave them to his scholars to 
translate into French: He shewed them to 
me. The import of them was, "That the 
"king of France s grand-son had sent out his 
"huntsmen, and that they had taken a wolf, 
"who was shut up, and now he hopes the sheep 
"would be in safety. " I knew, at the reading 
of them, what he aimed at; but held my peace, 
as though I had been ignorant of the Jesuit s 
intention. Observing this reproaching spirit, 
I said in my heart, If God will bless, let men 
curse if they please: And I looked to God in 
Christ, the great shepherd, to keep his scat 
tered sheep among so many Romish raven 
ous wolves, and to remember the reproaches 
wherewith his holy name, ordinances, and 
servants were daily reproached. And upon 
an observation of the time of these verses be 
ing composed, I find that near the same time 
the bishop of Canada, with twenty ecclesias- 
ticks, were taken by the English, as they 



were coming from France, and carried into 
England as prisoners of war. 

One Sabbath day morning, I observed 
many signs of approaching rain, a great 
moisture on the stones of the hearth and chim 
ney jambs. I was that day invited to dine with 
the Jesuits; and when I went up to dinner it 
began to rain a small drizzling rain: The 
superiour told me, they had been praying for 
rain that morning: And lo, (says he), it begins 
to rain. I told him, I could tell him of many 
instances of God s hearing our prayers for 
rain. However, in the afternoon there was a 
general procession of all orders, priests, Jes 
uits and friars, and the citizens, in great pomp, 
carrying (as they said) as an holy relick, one 
of the bones of St. Paul. The next day I was 
invited to the priests seminary to dinner; 
Oh, said they, we went in procession yester 
day for rain, and see what a plentiful rain 
followed. I answered, We had been an 
swered when praying for rain, when no such 
signs of rain, and the beginnings of rain 



preceded, as now with them, before they 
appointed or began their procession, &c. How 
ever, they upbraided me, that God did not 
approve of our religion, in that he disregarded 
our prayers, and accepted theirs. For (said 
they) we heard you had days of fasting and 
prayer before the fleet came to Quebec; God 
would not regard your prayers, but heard 
ours, and almost in a miraculous way preser 
ved us when assaulted, and refused to hear 
your fast-day prayers for your preservation, 
but heard ours for your desolation, and our 
success. They boasted also of their king, 
and his greatness, and spake of him as though 
there could be no settlement in the world but 
as he pleased; reviling us as in a low and lan 
guishing case, having no king, but being under 
the government of a queen: And spake as 
though the duke of Bavaria would in a short 
time be emperour. From this day forward 
God gave them to hear sorrowful tidings from 
Europe : That a war was commenced against 
the duke of Savoy, and so their enemies 

increased : 


increased: Their bishop taken, and two mil 
lions of wealth with him. News every year 
more distressing and impoverishing to them; 
and the duke of Bavaria, so far from being 
emperour, that he is dispossessed of his duke 
dom; and France, so far from being strength 
ened by Spain, that the kingdom of Spain 
was like to be an occasion of the weakening 
and impoverishing their own kingdom; they 
themselves so reporting. And their great 
army going against New-England turned back 
ashamed; and they discouraged and dis 
heartened; and every year, very exercising 
fears and cares, as to the savages who live 
up the river. Before the return of that army, 
they told me, We were led up and down, and 
sold by the heathen, as sheep for the slaughter, 
and they could not devise what they should do 
with us, we should be so many prisoners, when 
the army returned. The Jesuits told me, it 
was a great mercy that so many of our chil 
dren were brought to them, and that now, es 
pecially since they were not like speedily to 



be returned, there was hope of their being 
brought over to the Romish faith. They 
would take the English children, born among 
them, and against the consent of their parents, 
baptize them. One Jesuit came to me and 
asked, whether all the English at Loret, (a 
place not far from Quebec, where the savages 
lived), were baptized ? I told him they were. 
He said, If they be not, let me know of it, that 
I may baptize them, for fear they should die 
and be damned, if they died without bap 
tism. Says he, When the savages went against 
you, I charged them to baptize all children 
before they killed them; such was my desire 
of your eternal salvation, though you were our 
enemies. There was a gentleman called Mon 
sieur de Beauville, a captain, the brother of 
the lord intendant, who was a good friend to 
me, and very courteous to all the captives; he 
lent me an English Bible, and when he went 
to France, gave it me. 

All means were used to seduce poor souls. 

I was invited one day to dine with one of 



chief note; as I was going, I met with the 
superiour of the Jesuits coming out of the 
house, and he came in after dinner; and pres 
ently it was propounded to me, if I would 
stay among them, and be of their religion, I 
should have a great and honourable pension 
from the king every year. The superiour of 
the Jesuits turned to me, and said, "Sir, you 
have manifested much grief and sorrow for 
your separation from so many of your neigh- 
hours and children; if you will now comply 
with this offer and proposal, you may have 
all your children with you; and here will be 
enough for an honourable maintenance for 
you and them. " I answered, Sir, if I thought 
your religion to be true, I would embrace it 
freely without any such offer; but so long as I 
believe it to be what it is, the offer of the whole 
world is of no more value to me than a black 
berry; and manifested such an abhorrence of 
this proposal, that I speedily went to take my 
leave and be gone. Oh ! Sir, (said he) sit down. 
Why in such a hurry ? You are alone in 



your chamber, divert yourself a little longer; 
and fell to other discourse; and within half 
an hour says again, Sir, I have one thing ear 
nestly to request of you, I pray pleasure me! 
I said, Let your lordship speak; said he, I 
pray come down to the palace to-morrow 
morning, and honour me with your company 
in my coach to the great church, it being then 
a saint s day. I answered, Ask me any thing 
wherein I can serve you with a good con 
science, and I am ready to gratify you, but I 
must ask your excuse here; and immediately 
went away from him. Returning unto my 
chamber, I gave God thanks for his uphold 
ing of me; and also made an inquiry with 
myself, whether I had, by any action, given 
encouragement for such a temptation. 
Not many days after, and a few days be 
fore Governour de VaudreuiFs coming down, 
I was sent away, fifteen miles down the river, 
that I might not have opportunity of converse 
with the English. I was courteously treated 



by the French, and the priest of that parish; 
they told me he was one of the most learned 
men in the country; he was a very ingenious 
man, zealous in their way, but yet very 
familiar. I had many disputes with the priests 
who came thither; and when I used their own 
authors to confute some of their positions, 
my books, borrowed of them, were taken away 
from me, for they said, I made an ill use of 
them. They having, many of them, boasted 
of their unity in doctrine and profession, were 
loth I should show them, from their own best 
approved authors, as many different opinions 
as they could charge against us. Here, again, 
a gentleman, in the presence of the old bishop 
and a priest, offered me his house, and whole 
living, with assurance of honour, wealth and 
employment, if I would embrace their ways. 
I told them, I had an indignation of soul 
against such offers on such terms, as parting 
with what was more valuable than all the 
world; alleging, What is a man profited if he 
gain the whole world, and lose his own soul? 



or what shall a man give in exchange for h is 
soul? I was sometimes told, I might have 
all my children if I would comply, and must 
never expect to have them on any other terms. 
I told them, my children were dearer to me 
than all the world, but I would not deny 
Christ and his truths for the having of them 
with me; I would still put my trust in God, 
who could perform all things for me. 

I am persuaded that the priest of that par 
ish, where I kept, abhorred their sending down 
the heathen to commit outrages against the 
English, saying, it was more like committing 
murders, than managing a war. In my con 
finement in this parish, I had my undis 
turbed opportunities to be humbly implor 
ing grace for ourselves, for soul and body, for 
his protecting presence with New-England, 
and his disappointing the bloody designs of 
enemies; that God would be a little sanctuary 
to us in a land of captivity, and that our 
friends in New-England might have grace to 
make a more thankful and fruitful improve 


ment of the means of grace than we had done; 
who, by our neglects, find ourselves out of 
God s sanctuary. 

On the twenty-first of October, 1704, I 
received some letters from New-England, with 
an account that many of our neighbours es 
caped out of the desolations in the fort, and 
that my dear wife was carried back, and de 
cently buried: And that my eldest son, who 
was absent in our desolation, was sent to 
college, and provided for; which occasioned 
thanksgiving to God in the midst of afflic 
tions, and caused prayers, even in Canada, 
to be going daily up to Heaven for a blessing 
upon benefactors, showing such kindness to 
the desolate and afflicted. The consideration 
of such crafty designs to ensnare young ones, 
and to turn them from the simplicity of the 
gospel to Romish superstition, was very exer 
cising; sometimes they would tell me my chil 
dren, sometimes my neighbours, were turned 
to be of their religion. Some made it their 
work to allure poor souls by flatteries and great 



promises, some threatened, some offered abus 
ive carnage to such as refused to go to church 
and be present at mass. Some they indus 
triously contrived to get married among them. 
A priest drew up a compendium of the Roman 
Catholick faith, and pretended to prove it by 
the Scriptures, telling the English, that all 
they required was contained in the Scrip 
tures, which they acknowledged to be the 
rule of faith and manners; but it was by 
Scriptures horribly perverted and abused. I 
could never come to the sight of it, (though 
I often earnestly entreated a copy of it), until 
I was on shipboard, for our voyage to New- 
England; but hearing of it, I endeavoured to 
possess the English with their danger of being 
cheated with such a pretence. I understood 
they would tell the English that I was turned, 
that they might gain them to change their 
religion. These their endeavours to seduce 
to popery were very exercising to me: And in 
my solitariness I drew up these following 
sorrowful, mournful considerations, though 



unused to, and unskilful in poetry, yet in a 
plain style, for use of some of the captives, 
who would sometimes make their secret visits 
to me, which, at the desire of some of them, 
are here made publick. 

Some contemplations of the poor and desolate 
state of the church at Deerfield. 

THE sorrows of my heart enlarged are, 
Whilst I my present state with past compare. 
I frequently unto God s house did go, 
With Christian friends, his praises forth to 


But now, I solitary sit, both sigh and cry, 
Whilst my flock s misery think on do I. 

Many, both old & young, were slain out 

Some, in a bitter season, took their flight. 
Some burnt to death, and others stifled were; 
The enemy no sex or age would spare. 
The tender children, with their parents sad, 
Are carried forth as captives, some unclad. 



Some murdered in the way, unburied left, 
And some, through famine, were of life bereft. 
After a tedious journey, some are sold, 
Some kept in heathen hands, all from Christ s 


By popish rage, and heath nish cruelty, 
Are banished. Yea some compell d to be 
Present at mass. Young children parted are 
From parents, and such as instructors were. 
Crafty designs are us d by papists all, 
In ignorance of truth, them to inthrall. 
Some threatened are, unless they will 


In heathen s hands again be made to lie. 
To some, large promises are made, if they 
Will truths renounce, & choose their popish 


Oh Lord ! mine eyes on thee shall waiting be, 
Till thou again turn our captivity. 
Their Romish plots, thou canst confound; & 


This little flock, this mercy I do crave. 
Save us from all our sins, and yet again 



Deliver us from them who truth disdain. 
Lord! for thy mercy sake, thy cov nant 

And in thy house again, rest let us find. 

So we thy praises forth will shew, and speak 
of all thy wond rous works, yea we will seek 
The advancement of thy great and glorious 

Thy rich and sovereign grace we will proclaim. 

THE hearts of some were ready to be dis 
couraged and sink, saying, They were out of 
sight,and so out of mind. I endeavoured to 
persuade them we were not forgotten, that 
undoubtedly many prayers were continually 
going up to heaven for us. Not long after, 
came Captain Livingston, and Mr. Sheldon, 
with letters from his excellency our gover- 
nour to the governour of Canada, about the 
exchange of prisoners; which gave a revival 
to many, and raised expectations of a return. 
These visits from New-England to Canada, 
so often, greatly strengthened many who 



were ready to faint; and gave some check 
to the designs of the papists to gain prose 
lytes. But God s time of deliverance was not 
yet come; as to some particular persons, their 
temptations and trials were increased; and 
some abused, because they refused a 
compliance with their superstitions. A young 
woman of our town met with a new trial; for 
on a day, a Frenchman came into the room 
where she was, and shewed her his beads, and 
boasted of them, putting them near to her; 
she knocked them out of his hands on the 
floor; for which she was beaten, and threat 
ened with death, and for some days impris 
oned. I pleaded with God his over-ruling 
this first essay for the deliverance of some, as 
a pledge of the rest being delivered in due 
time. I implored Captain de Beauville, who 
had always been very friendly, to intercede 
with the governour for the return of my eld 
est daughter; and for his purchasing my son 
Stephen from the Indians at St. Francois 
fort; and for liberty to go up and see my 



children and neighbours at Montreal. Di 
vine providence appeared to the moderating 
my affliction, in that five English persons of 
our town were permitted to return with Cap 
tain Livingston, among whom went my eld 
est daughter. And my son Stephen was 
redeemed, and sent to live with me: He was 
almost quite naked, and very poor; he had 
suffered much among the Indians. One of 
the Jesuits took upon him to come to the wig 
wam and whip him, on some complaint that 
the squaws had made, that he did not work 
enough for them. As to my petition for go 
ing up to Montreal to see my children and 
neighbours, it was denied; as my former 
desire of coming up to the city, before Cap 
tain Livingston s coming was. r God granted 
me favour as to two of my petitions, but yet 
brought me by his grace to be willing, that 
he should glorify himself in disposing of me 
and mine as he pleased, and knew to be most 
for his glory: And almost always before any 
remarkable favour, I was brought to lie 



down at the foot of God, and made to be 
willing that God should govern the world 
so as might be most for his own honour, and 
brought to resign all to his holy sovereignty: 
A frame of spirit, when wrought in me by the 
grace of God, giving the greatest content and 
satisfaction; and very often a fore-runner of 
the mercy asked of God, or a plain demonstra 
tion, that the not obtaining my request was 
best for me. I had no small refreshing, in 
having one of my children with me for four 
months. And the English were, many of 
them, strengthened with hopes, that the 
treaty betwixt the governments would issue in 
opening a door of escape for all. 

In August, Mr. Dudley, and Captain Vetch 
arrived, and great encouragements were given 
as to an exchange of all in the spring of the 
year: And some few again were sent home; 
among whom I obtained leave to send my son 

Upon Mr. Dudley s and Captain Vetch s 
petitioning, I was again permitted to go up 



to Quebec; but disputing with a mendicant 
friar, who said he was an Englishman sent 
from France, to endeavour the conversion of 
the English at Quebec, who arrived at Can 
ada whilst our gentlemen were there, I was, 
by the priests means, ordered to return again 
to Chateauviche, and no other reason given, 
but because I discoursed with that priest, 
and their fear I should prevent his success 
amongst the captives. But God shewed his 
dislike of such a persecuting spirit; for the 
very next day, which was September 20, O. 
S. October i, N. S. the seminary, a very fa 
mous building, was most of it burnt down, 
occasioned by a joiner s letting a coal of fire 
drop among the shavings. The chapel in 
the priests garden, and the great cross, were 
burnt down; the library of the priests burnt 
up. This seminary and another library had 
been burnt but about three years before. The 
day after my being sent away, by the priests 
means, from Quebec, at first, there was a 
thunder-storm, and the lightning struck the 



seminary in the very place where the fire 
now began. 

A little before Mr. Dudley s arrival, came 
a soldier into my landlord s house, barefoot 
and barelegged, going on a pilgrimage to 
Sainte Anne*: For, said he, my captain, who 
died some years ago, appeared to me, and told 
me he was in purgatory; and told me 
I must go a pilgrimage to Sainte Anne, 
doing penance, and get a mass said for him, 
and then he should be delivered. Many be 
lieved him, and were much affected with it; 
came and told me of it, to gain my credit of 
their devised purgatory. The soldier told 
me, the priests had counselled him to under 
take this pilgrimage. And, I am apt to think, 
ordered his calling in at my landlord s, that I 
might see and speak with him. I laughed at 
the conceit, that a soldier must be pitched 
upon to be sent on this errand; but they were 
much displeased, and lamented my obstinacy, 


* Sainte Anne de Beaupre, a village containing a famous shrine, 
near the Falls of Montmorency, 22 miles below Quebec. 


in that I would not be reclaimed from a denial 
of purgatory by such a miraculous providence. 

As I was able, I spread the case before 
God, beseeching of him to disappoint them 
of their expectations to proselyte any of the 
captives by this stratagem; and by the good 
ness of God, it was not very serviceable; for 
the soldier s conversation was such, that 
several among the French themselves judged it 
to be a forgery. And though the captain 
spoken of, was the governour s lady s brother, 
I never more heard any concernment or care 
to get him out of purgatory. 

One of the parish, where I lived, told me, 
that on the twenty-second of July, 1705, he 
was at Quebec, at the mendicant friar s 
church, on one of their feast days, in honour 
of a great saint of their order, and that at 
five o clock mass, in the morning, near two 
hundred persons being present, a great grey 
cat brake or pushed aside some glass, entered 
into the church, passed along near the altar, 
and put out five or six candles, which were 



burning; and that no one could tell which 
way the cat went out; and he thought it was 
the devil. 

When I was in the city in September, I 
saw two English maids, who had lived with 
the Indians a long time. They told me, that 
an Indian had died at the place where they 
were; and that when sundry of his relations 
were together, in order to attend his burial, 
the dead arose, and informed them, "That 
at his death he went to hell, and there he saw 
all the Indians that had been dead since their 
embracing the popish religion; and warned 
them to leave it off, or they would be damned 
too;" and laid down dead again. They said, 
the Indians were frightened, and very melan 
choly, but the Jesuit, to whom they told this, 
told them it was only a delusion of the devil, 
to draw them away from the true religion; add 
ing, that he knew for certain that all those 
Indians who had been dead, spoken of by 
that Indian, were in heaven; only one squaw 
was gone to hell, who died without baptism. 



These maids said also, that many of the 
Indians much lamented their making a war 
against the English, at the instigation of the 

The priests, after Mr. Dudley s going from 
Canada, were ready to think their time was 
short for gaining English proselytes, and 
doubled their diligence and wiles to gain over 
persons to their persuasion. I improved all 
opportunities I could, to write to the English, 
that in that way I might be serviceable to 
them. But many or most of my letters, 
treating about religion, were intercepted, and 
burnt. I had a letter sent down to me by 
order of the governour, that I had liberty of 
writing to my children and friends, which 
should be continued, provided I wrote about 
indifferent things, and said nothing in them 
about the points in controversy between them 
and us: And if I were so hardy as to write 
letters otherwise, they should endeavour to 
prevent their being delivered. Accordingly, 
I found many of them were burnt. But 



sometimes notice would be given to the En 
glish, that there were letters written, but that 
they were burnt; so that their writing was 
somewhat useful, though never perused by 
the English, because they judged those let 
ters condemned popery. Many of our let 
ters, written from New-England, were never 
delivered, because of some expressions about 
religion in them. And, as I said before, after 
Mr. Dudley s departure from Quebec, en 
deavours were very vigorous to seduce. Some 
were flattered with large promises, others 
were threatened, and beaten, because they 
would not turn. And when two English 
women, who had always opposed their relig 
ion, were sick in the hospital, they kept with 
them night and day, till they died; and their 
friends kept from coming to visit them. Af 
ter their death, they gave out, that they died 
in the Romish faith, and were received into 
their communion. Before their death, masses 
were said for them; and they were buried in 
the church yard, with all their ceremonies. 



And after this, letters were sent to all parts, 
to inform the English, that these two women 
turned to their religion before their death; 
and that it concerned them to follow their ex 
ample, for they could not be more obstinate 
than those women were, in their health, 
against the Romish faith, and yet on a death 
bed embraced it. They told the English who 
lived near, that our religion was a dangerous 
religion to die in. But I shall hereafter relate 
the just grounds we have to think these things 
were falsehoods. 

I was informed, there was an English girl 
bid to take and wear the cross, and cross her 
self: She refused; they threatened her, and 
shewed her the cross. At length, she had her 
choice, either to cross herself, and take the 
cross, or be whipt, she chose to be whipt; and 
they made as though they would correct her; 
but seeing her choosing indeed to suffer 
rather than comply, they desisted, and tied 
the cross about her neck. Some were taken 
and shut up among their religious, and all 
sorts of means used to gain them. I 


I received a letter from one of my neigh 
bours, wherein he thus bewails: "I obtained 
leave of my master to go to the Macqua 
fort, to see my children, that I had not seen 
for a long time. I carried a letter from my 
master, to shew that I had leave to come. 
When I came to the fort, I heard one of my 
children was in the woods. I went to see a 
boy I had there, who lived with one of the 
Jesuits; I had just asked him of his welfare; 
he said his master would come presently; 
he durst not stay to speak with me now, be- 
ing in such awe of his master. On which, I 
withdrew; and when his master came in, I 
went and asked leave of him to speak with 
my child, and shewed him my letter. But 
he absolutely refused to let me see or speak 
with him; and said, I had brought no letter 
from the governour, and would not permit 
me to stay in the fort, though I had trav- 
elled on foot near fifty miles, for no other 
errand than to see and speak with my 



The same person, with another English 
man, last spring, obtained leave of the gover- 
nour general to go to the same fort on the 
same errand, and carried letters from the 
governour to the Jesuits, that he might be per 
mitted to speak with his children. The letter 
was delivered to the Jesuits; who told him, 
his son was not at home, but gone a hunting: 
Whereas he was hid from them, as he heard 
afterward; so the poor man lost his labour a 
second time. These men say, that when they 
returned to Montreal, one Laland, who was 
appointed as a spy, always to observe the 
motions of the English, told them, that one of 
the Jesuits had come in before them, and had 
told the governour that the lad was gone out 
a hunting: And that the Englishman, who ac 
companied this poor man, went out into the 
woods, in hopes of finding the lad; and saw 
him, but the lad run away; and that he fol 
lowed him, and called after him, but he would 
not stop; but holding out a gun, threatened to 
shoot him down, if he followed him; and so 



he was discouraged, and turned back. And, 
says Laland, you will never leave going to 
see your children and neighbours, till some 
of you are killed. But the men told him, it 
was an absolute lie, let who would report it; 
for they had neither seen the lad, nor did they 
go into the woods to search after him. They 
judge this was told to the governour, to pre 
vent any English for the future going to see 
their children and neighbours. Some of ours 
say, they have been little better than abso 
lutely promised to have their children, who 
are among the savages, in case they them 
selves would embrace popery. And that the 
priests had said, they had rather the children 
should be among the Indians, as they were, 
than be brought out by the French, and so be 
in readiness to return for New-England. 

A maid of our town was put into a religious 
house, among the nuns, for more than two 
years, and all sorts of means, by flatteries, 
threatenings, and abusive carriages, used to 
bring her to turn. They offered her money, 



which when refused, especially the latter part 
of the time, they threatened her very much; 
sent for her before them, and commanded her 
to cross herself. She refused, they hit her a 
box on the ear; bid her again, still she refused. 
They ordered a rod with six branches full of 
knots to be brought; and when she refused, 
they struck her on the hands, still renewing 
their commands; and she stood to her re 
fusals, till her hands were rilled with wales, 
with the blows. But one said, Beat her no 
more, we will give her to the Indians, if she 
will not turn. They pinched her arms till 
they were black and blue; and made her go 
into their church; and because she would not 
cross herself, struck her several blows with 
their hands on her face. A squaw was brought 
in, and said, she was sent to fetch her to the 
Indians; but she refused; the squaw went 
away, and said, she would bring her husband 
with her to-morrow, and she should be carried 
away by force. She told me, she remembered 
what I told her one day, after the nuns had 



threatened to give her away to the Indians; 
that they only said so to affright her, that they 
never would give her away. The nuns told 
her, she should not be permitted any more to 
speak to the English; and that they would 
afflict her without giving her any rest, if she 
refused. But God preserved her from 
falling. This poor girl had many prayers go 
ing up to Heaven for her daily, and by name, 
because her trials were more known to some 
of the English, than the trials of others, 
who lived more remote from them. 

Here might be a history by itself, of the 
trials and sufferings of many of our children, 
and young ones, who have been abused, and 
after separation from grown persons, made 
to do as they would have them. 

I shall here give an account of what was 
done to one of my children, a boy between 
fifteen and sixteen years of age, two hundred 
miles distant from me, which occasioned 
grief and sorrow, that I want words to utter; 
and yet kept under such awe, that he never 



durst write any thing to me, for fear of being 
discovered in writing about religion. They 
threatened to put him to the Indians again, 
if he would not turn; telling him, he was never 
bought out of their hands, but only sojourned 
with them, but if he would turn, he should 
never be put into their hands any more. The 
priests would spend whole days in urging 
him. He was sent to school to learn to read 
and write French; the school-master some 
times flattered him with promises, if he would 
cross himself; then threatened him if be would 
not. But when he saw flattering promises 
of rewards, and threatenings, were ineffec 
tual, he struck him with a stick he had in his 
hand; and when he saw that would not do, 
he made him get down on his knees about an 
hour; and then came and bid him make the 
sign of the cross, and that without any delay; 
he still refused. Then he gave him a couple 
of strokes, with a whip he had in his hand; 
which whip had three branches, and about 
twelve great knots tied in it. And again bid 



him make the sign of the cross; and if it was 
any sin, he would bear it himself: And said 
also, You are afraid you shall be changed if 
you do it: But (said he) you will be the same, 
your fingers will not be changed. And after 
he had made him shed many tears, under his 
abuses and threatenings, he told him, he 
would have it done: And so through coward 
ice and fear of the whip, he made the sign. 
And did so for several days together, with 
much ado, he was brought to cross himself. 
And then the master told him, he would have 
it done without his particular bidding him. 
And when he came to say his lesson, and 
crossed not himself, the master said, have 
you forgot what I bid you do ? No, sir, said 
he; then the schoolmaster said, Down on your 
knees; and so kept him for an hour and half, 
till school was done; and so did for about a 
week. When he saw this would not do, he 
took the whip, What, will not you do it, (said 
he), I will make you: And so again frighted 
him to a compliance. After this, he com 


manded him to go to the church: When he 
refused, he told him, he would make him. 
And one morning sent four of the biggest 
boys of the school, to draw him by force to 
mass. These, with other severities and witty 
stratagems, were used; and I utterly ignorant 
of any attempt made upon him, to bring him 
to change his religion. His fear was such 
that he never durst write any of these things, 
lest his letters should fall into their hands, and 
he should again be delivered to the Indians. 
Hearing of an opportunity of writing to him 
by one of the parish where I was, going up to 
Montreal, I wrote a letter to him, and had by 
him a letter from my son; which I shall here 

"Honoured Father, 

" I HAVE received your letter, bearing date 
January n, 1705,6; for which I give you 
many thanks, with my duty and my brother s. 
I am sorry you have not received all the let 
ters I have written to you; as I have not re 
ceived all yours. According to your good 



counsel, I do almost every day read some 
thing of the Bible, and so strengthen my 
faith. As to the captives newly brought, 
Lancaster is the place of two of them, and 
Marlborough that of the third; the governour 
of Montreal has them all three. There is 
other news that will seem more strange to 
you: That two English women, who in their 
life time were dreadfully set against the Cath- 
olick religion, did on their death bed embrace 
it. The one Abigail Turbet, the other of 
them Esther Jones, both of them known to 
you. Abigail Turbet sent for Mr. Meriel the 
Sabbath before she died; and said (many a 
time upon several following days) that she 
committed her soul into his hands, and was 
ready to do whatever he pleased. She desired 
him to go to the chapel St. Anne, and there to 
say a holy mass for her, that she might have 
her sins pardoned, and the will of the Lord 
accomplished upon her. Her cousin, Mrs. 
Badston, now Stilson, asked her, whether she 
should be willing to do as she said; she an 


swered, yes. And upon the Tuesday she was 
taken into the Catholick church, in the pres 
ence of John Laland, and Madam Grizalem, 
an English woman, and Mrs. Stilson, also 
with many French people besides. She was 
anointed with oil on the same day, according 
to her will then. Upon the Wednesday 
following, an image of Christ crucified was 
brought to her; she caused it to be set up over 
against her, at the curtains of her bed, and 
looked continually upon the same; and also 
a little crucifix was brought unto her; she 
took it, and kissed it, and laid it upon her 
stomach. She did also make the sign of the 
cross upon herself, when she took any meat 
or drink. She promised to God, that if she 
should recover, she would go to the mass every 
day: She having on her hand a crucifix, said, 
Oh, my Lord, that I should have known thee 
so late! She did also make a prayer to the 
Virgin Mary, the two last days of the week. 
She could utter no word, but by kissing the 
crucifix, and endeavouring to cross herself, 



she gave an evidence of her faith. She died on 
Saturday the 24th of November, at three 
o clock in the afternoon. The next day, the 
priest did commend that woman s soul to the 
prayers of the congregation in the mass; in 
the afternoon she was honourably buried in 
the church yard, next to the church, close to 
the body of the justice Pese s wife; all the 
people being present as her funeral. The 
same day, in the evening, Mr. Meriel, with an 
English woman, went to Esther Jones; she did 
at first disdain; but a little after, she confessed 
there were seven sacraments, Christ s body 
present, the sacrament of the mass, the in 
equality of power among the pastors of the 
church; and being returned to wait by her all 
night long, he read and expounded to her 
some part of the Catholick confession of faith 
to her satisfaction. About midnight he asked 
her, whether she might not confess her sins; 
I doubt not but I may, said she: And two 
hours after, she made unto him a fervent con 
fession of all the sins of her whole life: When 



he said, he was to offer Christ to his father 
for her, she liked it very well. The super- 
iourofthenuns being come in to see her, she 
now desired that she might receive Christ s 
body before she died. She did also show 
Mrs. Stilson a great mind to receive the sac 
rament of extreme unction, and said, that if 
ever she should recover and get home, she 
would reproach the ministers for their neg 
lecting that sacrament, so plainly commanded 
by St. James. In the afternoon, after she 
had begged pardon for her wavering, and the 
Catholick confession of faith was read aloud to 
her, in the hearing of Mr. Craston, Mrs. Stil 
son, and another Englishwoman, she owned 
the same. About seven o clock the same day, 
she said to Mr. Dubison, Shall not they give 
me the holy communion ? But her tongue 
was then so thick that she could hardly swal 
low any thing. She was then anointed with 
holy oil: But before, she said to Mr. Meriel, 
Why have you not yet, sir, forgiven my sins ? 
In the night following, that priest, and Mr. 



Dubison, were continually by her; and some 
times praying to God in her name, and pray 
ing to the Virgin Mary, and other saints. She 
said also, I believe all: I am very glad Christ 
was offered to his Father for me. Six or 
seven hours before she died, a crucifix was 
showed to her by Mr. Dubison; she took it, 
and laid it upon her heart, and kissed it; and 
then the nuns hanged it with a pair of beads 
upon her neck. A little before she died, Mr. 
Dubison asked her to pray for him in heaven; 
she promised him: So she gave up the ghost, 
at ten of the clock, the zyth of November, 
whilst the high mass was saying; she was soon 
commended to the prayers. On the fourth 
day of the week following she was buried, 
after the mass had been said for her. She 
was laid by Abigail Turbet. Jan. 23, 
i 7 o 5 ,-6." 

I HAVE here transcribed the letter in the 
very words of it, without the least alteration: 
The same for substance was sent to several 



other captives. When I had this letter, I 
presently knew it to be of Mr. MeriePs com 
posing: But the messenger, who brought 
the letter, brought word that my son had em 
braced their religion. Afterwards, when some 
blamed him for letting me know of it, because 
(they said) they feared my sorrow would 
shorten my days; he told me, he thought with 
himself, that if he was in my case he should 
be willing to know the worst, and therefore 
told me, as he would have desired to have 
known if in my place. I thanked him, ac 
knowledging it a favour to let me know of it; 
but the news was ready to overwhelm me with 
grief and sorrow. I made my complaint to 
God, and mourned before him; sorrow and 
anguish took hold upon me. I asked of God 
to direct me what to do, and how to write, 
and find out an opportunity of conveying a 
letter to him; and committed this difficulty 
to his providence. I now found a greater 
opposition to a patient, quiet, humble resig 
nation to the will of God than I should 



otherwise have known, if not so tried. Here I 
thought of my afflictions and trials; my wife 
and two children killed, and many of my 
neighbours; and myself, so many of my chil 
dren and friends in a popish captivity, sep 
arated from our children, not capable to come 
to them to instruct them in the way they ought 
to go; and cunning, crafty enemies, using all 
their subtilty to insinuate into young ones such 
principles as would be pernicious. I thought 
with myself how happy many others were, 
in that they had their children with them, 
under all advantages to bring them up in the 
nurture and admonition of the Lord; whilst 
we were separated one from another, and our 
children in great peril of embracing damna 
ble doctrines. Oh ! that all parents, who read 
this history, would bless God for the advan 
tages they have of educating their children, 
and faithfully improve it! I mourned when I 
thought with myself that I had one child 
with the Macquas, a second turned to popery, 
and a little child, of six years of age, in 



danger from a child to be instructed in popery; 
and knew full well that all endeavours would 
be used to prevent my seeing or speaking with 
them. But in the midst of all these, God gave 
me a secret hope, that he w r ould magnify his 
power and free grace, and disappoint all their 
crafty designs. When I looked on the right 
hand and on the left, all refuge failed me, and 
none shewed any care for my soul. But God 
brought that word to uphold me; Who is able 
to do exceeding abundantly above what we can 
ask or think. As also that, Is any thing too 
hard for God? I prayed to God to direct me; 
and wrote very short the first time, and in 
general terms, fearing lest if I should write 
about things in controversy, my letters would 
not come to him. I therefore addressed him 
with the following letter. 

"Son Samuel, 

"YOURS of January 23, I received, and 
with it had the tidings that you had made an 
abjuration of the Protestant faith for the 
Romish: News that I heard with the most dis 


tressing, afflicting, sorrowful spirit that ever I 
heard any news. Oh! I pity you, I mourn 
over you day and night! Oh! I pity your weak 
ness, that through the craftiness of man you 
are turned from the simplicity of the gospel! 
I persuade myself you have done it through 
ignorance. Oh ! why have you neglected to 
ask a father s advice in an affair of so great 
importance as the change of religion! God 
knows that the catechism, in which I instructed 
you is according to the word of God; and so 
will be found in the day of judgment. Oh ! con 
sider and bethink yourself what you have done ! 
And whether you ask me or not, my poor 
child, I cannot but pray for you, that you may 
be recovered out of the snare you are taken 
in. Read the Bible, pray in secret; make 
Christ s righteousness your only plea before 
God, for justification: Beware of all immor 
ality, and of profaning God s Sabbaths. Let 
a father s advice be asked for the future, in 
all things of weight and moment. What is a 
man profited if he gain the whole world, and 



lose his own soul ? Or what shall a man 
give in exchange for his soul ? I desire to be 
humbled under the mighty hand of God thus 
afflicting of me. I would not do as you have 
done for ten thousand worlds. My heart 
aches within me, but I will yet wait upon the 
Lord: to Him will I commit your case day and 
night: He can perform all things for me and 
mine; and can yet again recover you from 
your fall. He is a God forgiving iniquity, 
transgression and sin: To the Lord our God 
belong forgivenesses, though we have re 
belled. I charge you not to be instrumental 
to ensnare your poor brother Warham, or any 
other, and so add sin to sin. Accept of my 
love, and do not forsake a father s advice, 
who above all things desires that your soul 
may be saved in the day of the Lord." 

WHAT I mournfully wrote, I followed with 
my poor cries to God in heaven to make ef 
fectual, to cause in him a consideration of 
what he had done. God saw what a proud 



heart I had, and what need I had to be so 
answered out of the whirlwind, that I might 
be humbled before him. Not having any an 
swer to my letter for some weeks, I wrote the 
following letter, as I was enabled of God, and 
sent to him by a faithful hand; which, by the 
blessing of God, was made effectual for his 
good, and the good of others, who had fallen 
to popery; and for the establishing and 
strengthening of others to resist the essays 
of the adversary to truth. God brought good 
out of this evil, and made what was designed 
to promote their interests, an occasion of 
shame to them. 

"Son Samuel, 

"I HAVE waited till now for an answer 
from you, hoping to hear from you, why you 
made an abjuration of the Protestant faith 
for the Romish. But since you continue to 
neglect to write to me about it, as you neg 
lected to take any advice or counsel from a 
father, when you did it, I cannot forbear 
writing again, and making some reflections 



on the letter you wrote me last, about the two 
women. It seems to me, from those words 
of Abigail Turbet s, in your letter, or rather 
of Mr. Mend s, which you transcribed for him 
[Abigail Turbet sent for Mr. Meriel, com 
mitted her soul into his hand, and was ready 
to do whatsoever he pleased] I say, it seems 
rational to believe, that she had not the use of 
her reason; it is an expression to be abhorred 
by all who have any true sense of religion. 
Was Mr. Meriel a God, a Christ ? Could he 
bear to hear such words and not reject them; 
replying, "Do not commit your soul into 
my hands, but see that you commit your soul 
into the hands of God through Christ Jesus, 
and do whatever God commands you in his 
holy word. As for me, I am a creature, and 
cannot save your soul; but will tell you of 
Acts iv. 12. Neither is there salvation in any 
other; for there is no other name under heaven 
given among men, whereby we must be saved. " 
Had he been a faithful minister of Jesus 
Christ, he would have said, "It is an honour 



due to Christ alone. The holy apostle says, 
Now unto him that is able to keep you, and 
present you faultless before the presence of his 
glory, with exceeding joy, to the only wise 
God our Saviour ; be glory, and majesty, domin 
ion and power, both now and ever, amen." 
Jude, 24, 25, verses. As to what you write 
about praying to the Virgin Mary, and other 
saints, I make this reply, Had Mr. Meriel 
done his duty, he would have said to them, as 
I John, ii. 1,2. // any man sin, we have an 
advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the 
righteous; and he is the propitiation for our 
sins. The Scriptures say, There is one God, 
and one mediator between God and man, the 
man Christ Jesus. Yea, Christ said, go and 
preach, He that believeth and is baptized, 
shall be saved. The apostle, in Gal. i. 8. 
saith, But though we or an angel from heaven 
preach any other gospel unto you, than that 
we have preached to you, let him be accursed. 
They never preached, that we should pray to 
the Virgin Mary, or other saints. As you 



would be saved, hear what the apostle saith, 
Heb. iv. 13, &c. Neither*! f there any creature 
that is not manifest in his sight; but all things 
are naked, and open unto the eyes of him 
with whom we have to do. Seeing then that we 
have a great high priest that is entered into 
the heavens, Jesus the son of God, let us hold 
fast our profession: For we have not an high 
priest that cannot be touched with the feelings 
of our infirmities, but was in all points tempted 
like as we are, yet without sin; let us therefore 
come boldly unto the throne of grace, that we 
may obtain mercy, and find grace to help in 
time of need. Which words do hold forth, 
how that Christ Jesus is in every respect qual 
ified to be a mediator and intercessor; and 
I am sure they cannot be applied to any mere 
creature, to make them capable of our relig 
ious trust. When Roman Catholicks have 
said all they can, they are not able to prove, 
that the saints in heaven have a knowledge 
of what prayers are directed to them. Some 
say they know them one way, others say they 



have the knowledge of them in another way: 
And that which they have fixed upon as most 
probable to them, is, that they know of them 
from their beholding the face of God; seeing 
God, they know these prayers: But this is a 
great mistake. Though the saints see and 
know God in a glorious manner, yet they have 
not an infinite knowledge; and it does no 
ways follow, that because they see God, they 
know all prayers that are directed to them 
upon the earth. And God has no where in 
his word told us, that the saints have such a 
knowledge. Besides, were it a thing possible 
for them to have a knowledge of what prayers 
are directed to them, it does not follow that 
they are to be prayed to, or have religious 
honour conferred upon them. The Roman 
ists can neither give one Scripture precept or 
example for praying to them; but God has 
provided a mediator, who knows all our 
petitions, and is faithful and merciful enough 
and we have both Scripture precept and 
example, to look to him as our mediator and 



advocate with the Father. Further, it can 
not be proved that it is consistent with the 
saints being creatures, as well as with their 
happiness, to have a knowledge of prayers 
from all parts of the world at the same time, 
from many millions together, about things so 
vastly differing one from another: And then 
to present those supplications for all that look 
to them, is not humility, but will-worship. 
Col. ii. 1 8. Let no man beguile you of your 
reward, in a voluntary humility, worshipping 
of angels, verse 23. Which things indeed have 
a shew of wisdom and will-worship, and 
humility. For what humility can it be, to 
distrust the way that God has provided and 
encouraged us to come to him in, and impose 
upon God a way of our own devising ? Was 
not God angry with Jeroboam for imposing 
upon him after such a sort ? I Kings, xii. 33. 
So he offered upon the altar which he had made 
in Bethel, the fifth day of the eighth month, 
which he devised of his own heart. Therefore 
Christ saith, Mark vii. 7. Howbeit, in vain 



do they worship me, teaching for doctrines the 
commandments of men. Before the coming 
of Christ, and his entering into heaven as an 
intercessor; Heb. vii. 25. Wherefore he is 
able to save them to the uttermost that come to 
God by him, seeing he ever liveth to make in 
tercession for them; I say, before Christ s 
entering into heaven as an intercessor, there is 
not one word of any prayer to saints; and 
what reason can be given that now there is 
need of so many saints to make intercession 
when Christ as a priest is entered into heaven 
to make intercession for us ? The answer 
that the Romanists give is a very fable and 
falsehood : Namely, that there were no saints 
in heaven till after the resurrection and ascen 
sion of Christ, but were reserved in a place 
called Limbus Patrum, and so had not the 
beatifical vision. See Gen. v. 24. Enoch 
walked with God, and was not, for God took 
him. If he was not taken into heaven, what 
can be the sense of those words, for God took 
him ? Again, 2 Kings, ii. I. When the Lord 



would take up Elijah into heaven by a whirl 
wind, verse II. There appeared a chariot 
of fire and horses of fire, and parted them both 
asunder, and Elijah went up by a whirlwind 
into heaven. Must the truth of the Scripture 
be called in question to uphold their notions ? 
Besides, it is not consistent with reason to 
suppose, that Enoch and Elias, instead of 
having a peculiar privilege vouchsafed to 
them, for their eminency in holiness, should 
be less happy for so long a time than the rest 
of the saints deceased, who are glorified in 
heaven; which must be, if they are yet kept, 
and must be, till the day of judgment out of 
heaven, and the beatifical vision, in an 
earthly paradise, according to some of the 
Romanists; or in some other place, they know 
not where, according to others. Religious 
worship is not to be given to the creature, 
Mat. iv. 9, 10, and saith, All these things will 
I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship 
me. Then saith Jesus to him, Get thee 
hence, Satan; for it is written, thou shalt 



worship the Lord thy God, and him only shall 
thou serve. That phrase, and him only shalt 
thou serve, excludes all creatures. Rev. xxii. 
8, 9. / fell down to worship before the feet 
of the angel, which shewed me these things; 
then saith he to me, see thou do it not, for I am 
thy fellow servant, and of thy brethren the 
prophets, and of them which keep the sayings 
of this book, worship God. Which plainly 
shews, that God only is to be worshipped 
with a religious worship. None can think 
that Saint John intended to give the highest 
divine worship to the angel, who saith, Do not 
fall down and worship me; it is God s due, 
worship God. So Acts x. 25, 26. As Peter 
was coming in, Cornelius met him and fell 
down at his feet, and worshipped him; but 
Peter took him up, saying, stand up, I myself 
also am a man. See also Lev. xix. 10. The 
words of the second commandment (which 
the Romanists either leave out, or add to the 
first commandment, saying, Thou shalt have 
no other gods before me, adding, &c.) I say 



the words of the second commandment are, 
Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven 
image, or any likeness of any thing that is in 
heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or 
that is in the waters under the earth; thou shalt 
not bow down thyself to them nor serve them, 
for I the Lord thy God am a jealous God, &c. 
These words being inserted in the letter which 
came from your brother Eleazer, in New- 
England, the last summer, was the cause of 
the letters being sent down from Montreal, 
and not given to you, when so near you, as I 
suppose, there being no other clause of the 
letter that could be objected against, and the 
reason w r hy found at Quebec, when I sent it 
to you a second time, enclosed in a letter 
written by myself. The brazen serpent, 
made by divine appointment as a type of 
Christ, when abused to superstition, was by 
reforming Hezekiah broken in pieces. As to 
what the Romanists plead about the lawful 
ness of image and saint worship, from those 
likenesses of things made in Solomon s tern- 



pie, it is nothing to the purpose. We do not 
say it is not lawful to make or have a picture; 
but those carved images were not, in the tem 
ple, to be adored, bowed down to, or worship 
ped. There is no manner of consequence, 
that because there were images made in Sol 
omon s temple that were not adored and 
worshipped, that therefore it is now lawful 
to make and fall down before images, and 
pray to them, and so worship them. 

"Religious worshipping of saints cannot 
be defended from, but is forbidden, in the 
Scriptures; and for fear of losing their dis 
ciples, the Romanists keep away from them 
the Bible and oblige them to believe as they 
say they must believe; as though there was no 
use be made of our reason about our souls; 
and yet the Bereans were counted noble for 
searching the Scriptures, to see whether the 
things preached by Saint Paul were so or not. 
They dare not allow you liberty to speak 
with your father, or others, for fear their 
errors should be discovered to you. Again, 



you write, "that Esther Jones confessed that 
there was an inequality of power among the 
pastors of the church." An argument to 
convince the world, that because the priests, 
in fallacious ways, caused a woman, distem 
pered with a very high fever, if not distracted, 
to say, she confessed there was an inequality 
of power among the pastors of the church, 
therefore all the world are obliged to believe 
that there is a pope. An argument to be 
sent from Dan to Beersheba, every where, 
where any English captives are, to gain their 
belief of a pope. Can any rational man 
think that Christ, in the i6th chapter of Mat 
thew, gave Saint Peter such a power as the 
papists speak of; or that the disciples so 
understood Christ ? When immediately there 
arose a dispute among them, who should be 
the greatest in the kingdom of heaven ? 
Matth. xviii. i. At the same time came the 
disciples of Jesus, saying, who is the greatest 
in the kingdom of heaven ? The rock spoken 
of in the i6th of Matthew, not the person of 



Peter, but the confession made by him, and 
the same power is given to all the disciples, 
if you compare one Scripture with another; 
not one word in any place of Scripture of such 
a vicarship power as of a pope, nor any solid 
foundation of proof that Peter had a great 
er authority than the rest of the apostles. 
I Cor. iv. 6. That you might learn in us, not 
to think of men above that which is written. 
Yea, the apostle condemns them, I Cor. i. 
12. for their contentions, One saying, I am 
of Paul, I of Apollos, and I of Ccephas; no 
more of Peter s being a foundation than any 
of the rest. For we are built upon the foun 
dation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus 
Christ himself being the chief corner stone. 
Not one word in any of Peter s epistles, shew 
ing that he had greater power than the other 
apostles. Nay, if the Scriptures give any 
preference, it is to Saint Paul rather than 
Saint Peter. I Cor. iii. 10. According to 
the grace of God which is given to me, as a 
wise master builder I have laid the foundation. 

I Cor. 


I Cor. .3,4. For I verily as absent in body, 
but present in spirit, have judged already, as 
though I were present, concerning him that 
hath done so this deed. In the name of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, when ye are gathered to 
gether, and my spirit, with the power of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, &c. I Cor. vii. I. Now 
concerning the things whereof ye wrote to me; 
application made not to Saint Peter, but Paul, 
for the decision of a controversy or scruple. 
I Cor. xi. 2. Now I praise you, brethren, that 
you remember me in all things, and keep the 
ordinances as I delivered them to you. Either 
those spoken of, Acts xv. or in his ministry 
and epistles, 2 Cor. ii. 10. For your sake, 
forgave I it, in the person of Christ. 2 Cor. 
xi. 28. That which cometh upon me daily, 
the care of all the churches. 2 Cor. xii. II, 
12. For in nothing am I behind the very 
chiefest of the apostles, though I be nothing. 
Truly the signs of an apostle were wrought 
among you in all patience, in signs and won 
ders, and mighty deeds; and in other places. 



Again, if you consult Acts xv. where you have 
an account of the first synod or council, you 
will find that the counsel or sentence of the 
apostle James is followed, verse 19. Where 
fore my sentence is, &c. not a word that 
Saint Peter was chief. Again, you find Peter 
himself sent forth by the other apostles, 
Acts viii. 14. The apostles sent unto them, Peter 
and John. When the church of the Jews found 
fault with Peter, for going in to the Gentiles 
when he went to Cornelius, he does not say, 
Why do you question me, or call me to an 
account, I am Christ s vicar on earth. When 
Paul reproved Peter, Gal. ii. he does not de 
fend himself, by mentioning an infallibility 
in himself as Christ s vicar, or reprove Paul 
for his boldness. 

"The Roman Catholick Church cannot be 
a true church of Christ, in that it makes laws 
directly contrary to the laws and commands 
of Christ: As for example, in with-holding 
the wine or the cup from the laity, in the 
Lord s Supper; whereas Christ commands 



the same to drink who were to eat. Their 
evasion, that the blood is in the body, and so 
they partake of both in eating, is a great 
fallacy, built on a false foundation of tran- 
substantiation. For when men eat, they can 
not be said to drink, which Christ commands, 
for Christ commands that we take the cup and 
drink, which is not done in eating; besides, 
the priests themselves will not be so put off. 
The words, this is my body, do only intend, 
this doth signify or represent my body, which 
will appear if you compare Scripture with 
Scripture; for after the consecration, the Holy 
Ghost calls it bread, and the fruit of the vine. 
Exod. xii. II. It is the Lord s passover; 
that is, it represents it. In all the evange 
lists, you read of killing and eating the pass- 
over, a few lines or verses before these words, 
this is my body, which plainly shew, that our 
Saviour, in the same way of figurative ex 
pression, speaks of the gospel sacrament. 
If these words were taken as the Romanists 
expound them, he must eat his own body 



himself, whole and entire in his own hands; 
and after that, each one of the disciples eat 
him entire, and yet he set at the table whole, 
untouched, at the same time; contradictions 
impossible to be defended by any rational argu 
ments. Yea, his whole body must be now in 
heaven and in a thousand other places, and in 
the mouth of every communicant at the same 
time, and that both as a broken and unbroken 
sacrifice, and be subject to putrefaction. 
Christ is said to be a door, a true vine, a way, 
a rock. What work shall we make if we ex 
pound these in a literal manner, as the Roman 
ists do, when they say, this is my body, means 
the real body of Christ in the eucharist ? It 
is said, I Cor. x. 4. And did all drink the same 
spiritual drink: For they drank of that spirit 
ual Rock that followed them: And that rock 
was Christ. Was Christ literally a rock, 
think you ? Yea, it is absurd to believe, that 
a priest, uttering a few words over a wafer 
not above an inch square, can make it a God, 
or the body of Christ entire, as it was offered 



on the cross. It is a blasphemy to pretend 
to a power of making God at their pleasure; 
and then eat him, and give him to others to 
be eaten, or shut him up in their altars: 
That they can utter the same words, and 
make a God or not make a God, according 
to their intention, and that the people are 
obliged to believe that it is God, and so 
adore it, when they never hear any word of 
consecration, nor know the priest s intention. 
"As to what you write about the holy 
mass, I reply, it is wholly an human inven 
tion; not a word of such a sacrifice in the 
whole Bible; its being a sacrifice propitiatory 
daily to be offered, is contrary to the holy 
Scriptures. Heb. vii. 27. Who needeth not 
daily, as those high-priests, to offer up sacri 
fice first for his own sins, and then for the 
people s: For this he did once, when he offered 
up himself. And yet the Romanists say, 
there is need that he be offered up as a sac 
rifice to God every day. Heb. ix. 12. By 
his own blood he entered in once into the holy 



place, having obtained eternal redemption for 
us. ver. 25, 26, 27, 28. Nor yet that he 
should offer himself often, as the high-priest 
enter eth into the holy place, every year, with 
the blood of others: For then must he often 
have suffered since the foundation of the world. 
But now once, in the end of the world, hath 
he appeared to put away sin by the sacrifice 
of himself. As it is appointed unto men 
once to die, but after this the judgment; so 
Christ was once offered to bear the sins of 
many. Heb. x. IO. By which will we are 
sanctified, through the offering of the body 
of Jesus Christ once for all. ver. 12. But 
this man, after he had offered one sacrifice for 
sins, forever sat down on the right-hand of 
God. ver. 14. For by one offering he hath 
perfected forever them that are sanctified. By 
which Scriptures you may see, that the mass 
is not of divine appointment, but an human 
invention. Their evasion of a bloody and 
an unbloody sacrifice, is a sham; the holy 
Scriptures speak not one word of Christ s 



being offered as a sacrifice propitiatory, after 
such a sort as they call an unbloody sacri 
fice. All the ceremonies of the mass are 
human inventions, which God never 

"As to what is in the letter about praying 
for the women after their death, it is very 
ridiculous. For as the tree falls, so it lies; 
as death leaves, judgment will find. No 
change after death from an afflicted to a 
happy place and state. Purgatory is a 
phantasm, for enriching the clergy, and im 
poverishing the laity. The notion of it is a 
fatal snare to many souls, who sin with hopes 
of easily getting priestly absolutions at death, 
and buying off torments with their money. 
The soul at death goes immediately to judg 
ment, and so to heaven or hell. No authen- 
tick place of Scripture mentions so much as 
one word of any such place or state. Mr. 
Meriel told me, " If I found one error in our 
religion, it was enough to cause me to disown 
our whole religion." By his argument, you 



may see what reason you have to avoid that 
religion that is so full of errors. Bethink 
yourself, and consult the Scriptures, if you 
can get them: (I mean the Bible). Can you 
think their religion is right when they are 
afraid to let you have an English Bible ? Or to 
speak with your father, or other of your 
Christian neighbours, for fear they should 
give you such convictions of truth that they 
cannot remove ? Can that religion be true, 
that cannot bear an examination from the 
Scriptures, which are a perfect rule in matters 
of faith ? Or that must he upheld by ig 
norance, especially ignorance of the holy 
Scriptures ? 

"These things have I written, as in my 
heart I believe. I long for your recovery, 
and will not cease to pray for it. I am now 
a man of a sorrowful spirit, and look upon 
your fall as the most aggravating circum 
stance of my afflictions, and am persuaded 
that no pains will be wanting to prevent me 
from seeing or speaking with you; but I 



know that God s grace is all-sufficient. He 
is able to do exceeding abundantly above 
what I can ask or think. Do not give way 
to discouragement as to a return to New- 
England; read over what I have written, and 
keep it with you if you can; you have no 
friend on earth that wisheth your eternal 
salvation more heartily than your father. I 
long to see and speak with you, but I never 
forget you; my love to you, and to your 
brother and sister, and to all our fellow-pris 
oners. Let me hear from you as often as 
you can. I hope God will appear for us 
before it be long. 

"There are a great many other things in the 
letter, which deserve to be refuted; but I 
shall be too tedious in remarking on them all 
at once: Yet would not pass over that passage 
in the letter in which Esther Jones confessed 
that there were seven sacraments. To which 
I answer, That some of the most learned of 
the Romish religion confessed, (without the 
distracting pains of a violent fever), and left 



it upon record in print, that it cannot be con 
vincingly made out from the Scriptures, that 
there are seven sacraments, and that their 
most incontestable proof is from tradition, 
and by their traditions they might have found 
seventeen as well as seven; considering that 
four popes, successively, spent their lives in 
purging and correcting old authors. But no 
man can, out of the holy Scriptures, prove 
any more than two sacraments of divine in 
stitution, under the New-Testament, namely, 
baptism and the Lord s Supper. If you make 
the Scriptures a perfect rule of faith, as you 
ought to do, you cannot believe as the Roman 
Church believes. Oh! see that you sanc 
tify the Lord himself in your heart, and make 
him your fear and your dread. Fear not 
them that can kill the body, and after that 
have no more that they can do; but rather 
fear him that has power to destroy soul and 
body in hell fire. The Lord have mercy upon 
you, and shew you mercy, for the worthiness 
and righteousness sake of Jesus Christ, our 



great and glorious Redeemer and Advocate, 
who makes intercession for transgressors. 
My prayers are daily offered to God for you, 
for your brother and sister, yea for all my 
children, and fellow prisoners. 

" I am your afflicted and sorrowful father, 

"Chateauviche, March 22, 1706." 

GOD, who is gloriously free and rich in his 
grace to vile sinners, was pleased to bless poor 
and weak means for the recovery of my child 
so taken, and gave me to see, that he did not 
say to the house of Jacob, Seek you me in 
vain. Oh! that every reader would in every 
difficulty make him their refuge; he is a hope 
ful stay. To alleviate my sorrow, I received 
the following letter in answer to mine. 

Montreal, May 12, 1706. 
"Honoured Father, 

"I RECEIVED your letter which you sent 

by , which good letter I thank you for; 

and for the good counsel which you gave 



me: I desire to be thankful for it, and hope 
it will be for the good of my soul. I may 
say as in the Psalms: The sorrows of death 
compassed me, and the pains of hell gat hold 
on me: I found trouble and sorrow, then called 
I upon the name of the Lord: O Lord, I be 
seech thee, deliver my soul! Gracious is the 
Lord and righteous, yea our God is merciful. 
As for what you ask me about my making 
an abjuration of the Protestant faith for the 
Romish, I durst not write so plain to you 
as I would, but hope to see and discourse 
with you. I am sorry for the sin I have com 
mitted in changing of religion, for which I 
am greatly to blame. You may know, that 
Mr. Meriel, the school-master, and others, 
were continually at me about it; at last I 
gave over to it; for which I am very sorry. 
As for that letter you had from me, it was a 
letter I had transcribed for Mr. Meriel: And 
for what he saith about Abigail Turbet, and 
Esther Jones, no body heard them but he, as 
I understand. I desire your prayers to God 



for me, to deliver me from my sins. Oh 
remember me in your prayers! I am your 
dutiful son, ready to take your counsel. 


THIS priest, Mr. Meriel, has brought 
many letters to him, and bid him write them 
over and send them, and so he has done for 
many others. By this, as also by Mrs. 
Stilson s saying, "She does not think that 
either of these women did change their religion 
before their death;" and also, "oftentimes 
during their sickness, whilst they had the use 
of their reason, they protested against the Ro 
mish religion and faith," it is evident that 
these women never died papists, but that 
it was a wily stratagem of the priests to ad 
vance their religion : For letters were sent im 
mediately, after their death, to use this as a 
persuasive argument to gain others. But 
God in his providence gave further conviction 
of their fallaciousness in this matter. 

For the last summer, one Biggilow, of Marl- 


borough, a captive at Montreal, was very 
sick in the hospital, and, in the judgment 
of all, with a sickness to death. Then the 
priests and others gave out, that he was turned 
to be of their religion, and taken into their com 
munion: But, contrary to their expectations, 
he was brought back from the gates of death, 
and would comply with none of their rites; 
saying, that whilst he had the use of his 
reason, he never spake anything in favour of 
their religion; and that he never disowned 
the Protestant faith, nor would he now. So 
that they were silenced and put to shame. 
There is no reason to think that these two 
women were any more papists than he; but 
they are dead, and cannot speak. One of the 
witnesses, spoken of in the fore-mentioned 
letter, told me, she knew of no such thing, 
and said Mr. Meriel told her, that he never 
heard a more fervent and affectionate prayer 
than one which Esther Jones made a little 
before her death. I am verily persuaded, 
that he calls that prayer to God, so full of 



affection and confession, the confession made 
by her of the sins of her whole life. These 
two women always in their health, and so in 
their sickness, opposed all popish principles, 
as all that knew them can testify, so long as 
they could be permitted to go and speak with 
them. One of these women was taken from 
the eastward, and the other, namely, Esther 
Jones, from Northampton. 

In the beginning of March, 1706, Mr. Shel 
don came again to Canada, with letters from 
his excellency our governour, at which time 
I was a few days at Quebec. And when I 
was there, one night about ten o clock, there 
was an earthquake, that made a report like 
a cannon, and made the houses to tremble: 
It was heard and felt many leagues, all along 
the island of St. Laurence, and other places. 
When Mr. Sheldon came the second time, 
the adversaries did what they could to retard 
the time of our return, to gain time to seduce 
our young ones to popery. Such were sent 
away who were judged ungainable, and most 



of the younger sort still kept. Some were still 
flattered with promises of reward; and great 
essays made to get others married among 
them. One was debauched, and then in 
twenty-four hours of time published, taken 
into their communion and married; but the 
poor soul has had time since to lament her 
sin and folly, with a bitter cry; and asks your 
prayers, that God of his sovereign grace would 
yet bring her out of the horrible pit she has 
thrown herself into. Her name was Rachel 
Storer, of Wells. 

In April, one Zebediah Williams, of our 
town, died : He was a very hopeful and pious 
young man, who carried himself so in his 
captivity, as to edify several of the English, 
and recover one fallen to popery, taken the 
last war; though some were enraged against 
him on these accounts; yet even the 
French, where he sojourned, and with whom 
he conversed, would say he was a good man: 
One that was very prayerful to God, and 
studious and painful in reading the holy 



Scriptures: A man of a good understanding, 
and desirable conversation. In the begin 
ning of his last sickness, he made me a visit, 
(before he went to the hospital at Quebec), 
as he had several times before, to my great 
satisfaction and our mutual consolation and 
comfort in our captivity. He lived not above 
two miles from me, over the river, at the 
island of St. Laurence, about six week or two 
months. After his death, the French told 
me, Zebediah was gone to hell, and damned: 
For, said they, he has appeared, since his 
death, to one Joseph Egerly, an Englishman, 
who was taken the last war, in flaming fire, tel 
ling him, "he was damned for refusing to 
embrace the Romish religion, when such 
pains were used to bring him to the true 
faith, and for being instrumental to draw 
him away from the Romish communion, for 
saking the mass; and was therefore now come 
to advertise him of his danger." I told them I 
judged it to be a popish lie; saying, I bless 
God our religion needs no lies to uphold, 



maintain, and establish it, as theirs did. But 
they affirmed it to be true, telling me, how God 
approved of their religion, and witnessed 
miraculously against ours. But I still told 
them, I was persuaded his soul was in heaven, 
and that these reports were only devised 
fables to seduce souls. For several weeks 
they affirmed it, telling me, that all who came 
over the river from the island affirmed it to 
be a truth, I begged of God to blast this 
hellish design of theirs, so that in the issue 
it might be to render their religion more 
abominable, and that they might not gain 
one soul by such a stratagem. After some 
weeks had passed in such assertions, there 
came one into my landlord s house, affirm 
ing it to be a truth reported of Zebediah, 
saying, Joseph Egerly had been over the river, 
and told one of our neighbours this story. 
After a few hours I saw that neighbour, and 
asked him whether he had seen Egerly 
lately; he said, Yes; What news told he to 
you ? None, said he. Then I told him what was 



affirmed as a truth; he answered, Egerly said 
nothing like this to him, and he was persuaded 
he would have told him, if there had been 
any truth in it. About a week after this, 
came one John Boult from the island of St. 
Laurence, a lad taken from Newfoundland, a 
very serious, sober lad, of about seventeen 
years of age; he had often before come over 
with Zebediah to visit me. At his coming in, 
he much lamented the loss of Zebediah, and 
told me, "That for several weeks they had 
told him the same story, affirming it to be 
a truth, and that Egerly was so awakened 
by it, as to go again to mass every day;" 
urging him, "since God, in such a miracu 
lous way, offered such conviction of the 
truth of their religion, and the falsehood and 
danger of ours, to come over to their religion, 
or else his damnation would be dreadfully 
aggravated." He said, "he could have no 
rest for them day and night," but (said 
he) "I told them their religion was contrary 
to the word of God, and therefore I would 



not embrace it; and that I did not believe 
what they said." And says he to me, "One 
day I was sitting in the house, and Egerly 
came in, and I spake to him before the whole 
family (in the French tongue, for he could 
not speak much English) and asked him of 
this story; he answered, it is a great false 
hood, saying, he never appeared to me, nor 
have I ever reported any such thing to any 
body; and that he had never been at mass 
since Zebediah s death." At the hearing of 
which, they were silenced and put to shame. 
We blessed God together, for discovering 
their wickedness, and disappointing them at 
what they aimed at, and prayed to God to de 
liver us and all the captives from delusions, and 
recover them who had fallen, and so parted. 
After which I took my pen and wrote a letter 
to one Mr. Samuel Hill, an English captive, 
taken from Wells, who lived at Quebec, and 
his brother Ebenezer Hill, to make a discov 
ery of this lying plot, to warn them of their 
danger, and assure them of the falsehood of 



this report; but the letter fell into the hands 
of the priests, and was never delivered. This 
Egerly came home with us, so that they 
gained nothing but shame by this stratagem. 
God often dissappoints the crafty devices 
of wicked men. 

In the latter end of summer, they told me, 
"they had news from New-England, by one 
who had been a captive at Boston, who said 
that the ministers at Boston had told the 
French captives, that the Protestant religion 
was the only true religion; and that as a con 
firmation of it, they would raise a dead per 
son to life before their eyes, for their convic 
tion; and that having persuaded one to feign 
himself dead, they came and prayed over 
him, and then commanded him in the name 
of Christ, (whose religion they kept pure) to 
arise; they called and commanded, but he 
never arose; so that instead of raising the 
dead, they killed the living; which the be 
reaved relations discovered." I told them, 
"it was an old lie and calumny against 



Luther and Calvin, new vamped, and that they 
only change the persons and place;" but they 
affirmed it to be a truth: I told them, "I 
wondered they were so fond of a faith propa 
gated, and then maintained by lying words." 

We were always out of hopes of being re 
turned before winter, the season proving so 
cold in the latter end of September, and were 
praying to God to prepare our hearts, with an 
holy submission to his holy will, to glorify 
his holy name in a way of passive obedience 
in the winter. For my own part, I was in 
formed by several who came from the city, 
that the lord intendant said, if More returned, 
and brought word that Battis was in prison, 
he would put me into prison, and lay me in 
irons. They would not permit me to go into 
the city, saying, I always did harm when I 
came to the city, and if at any time I was at 
the city, they would persuade the governour 
to send me back again. 

In the beginning of last June, the superiour 
of the priests came to the parish where I was, 



and told me, he saw I wanted my friend Cap 
tain de Beauville, and that I was ragged. 
But, says he, your obstinacy against our relig 
ion discourages from providing better clothes. 
I told him, it was better going in a ragged coat, 
than with a ragged conscience. 

In the beginning of last June, went out an 
army of five hundred Macquas and Indians, 
with an intention to have fallen on some 
English towns down Connecticut river; but 
lighting on a Scatacook Indian, who after 
wards ran away in the night, they were dis 
couraged; saying, he would alarm the whole 
country. About fifty, as some say, or eighty, 
as others, returned. Thus God restrained 
their wrath. 

When they were promising themselves an 
other winter, to draw away the English to 
popery, came news that an English brigan- 
tine was coming, and that the honourable 
Capt. Samuel Appleton, Esq. was coming am 
bassador, to fetch off the captives, and Capt. 
John Bonner with him. I cannot tell you 



how the clergy and others laboured to stop 
many of the prisoners. To some, liberty; 
to others, money and yearly pensions, were 
offered, if they would stay. Some they urged 
to tarry at least till the spring of the year, tell 
ing them, it was so late in the year, they would 
be lost by ship-wreck if they went now; some 
younger ones they told, if they went home, 
they would be damned, and burn in hell 
forever, to affright them. Day and night 
they were urging of them, to stay. And I 
was threatened to be sent abroad, without a 
permission to come ashore again, if I should 
again discourse with any of the English who 
were turned to their religion. At Montreal, 
especially, all crafty endeavours were used 
to stay the English. They told my child, if 
he would stay, he should have an honourable 
pension from the king every year; and that 
his master, who was an old man, and the 
richest in Canada, would give him a great 
deal; telling him, if he returned he would be 
poor, for (said they) your father is poor, has 



lost all his estate, it was all burnt. But he 
would not be prevailed with to stay. Others 
were also in like manner urged to stay; but 
God graciously brake the snare, and brought 
them out. They endeavoured, in the fall of 
the year, to prevail with my son to go to 
France, when they saw he would not come 
to their communion any more. One woman, 
belonging to the eastern parts, who had, by 
their persuasions, married an English cap 
tive, taken the last war, came away with her 
husband, which made them say, they were 
sorry they ever persuaded her to turn to their 
religion, and then to marry. For instead of 
advancing their cause by it, they had 
weakened it ; for now they had not only 
lost her, but another they thought they had 
made sure of. Another woman, belonging to 
the eastward, who had been flattered to their 
religion, to whom a Bible was denied, till she 
promised to embrace their religion, and then 
had the promise of it for a little time, opening 
her Bible whilst in the church, and present at 



mass, she read the fourth chapter of Deuter 
onomy, and received such conviction whilst 
reading, that before her first communion, 
she fell off from them, and could never be 
prevailed with any more to be of their religion. 

We have reason to bless God, who has 
wrought deliverance for so many, and yet to 
pray to God for a door of escape to be opened 
for the great number yet behind, not much 
short of an hundred, many of whom are chil 
dren, and of these not a few among the 
savages; and having lost the English tongue, 
will be lost, and turn savages in a little time, 
unless something extraordinary prevent. 

The vessel that came for us, in its voyage 
to Canada, struck on a bar of sands, and there 
lay in very great hazard for four tides; and yet 
they saw reason to bless God for striking 
there; for had they got over that bar, they 
would at midnight, in a storm of snow, have 
run upon a terrible ledge of rocks. 

We came away from Quebec on October 
25; and by contrary winds and a great storm, 



we were retarded, and then driven back near 
the city, and had a great deliverance from 
shipwreck, the vessel striking twice on a rock 
in that storm. But through God s goodness, 
we all arrived in safety at Boston, November 
21 ; the number of captives fifty-seven, two of 
whom were my children. I have yet a daugh 
ter of ten years of age, and many neighbours 
whose case bespeaks your compassion, and 
prayers to God to gather them, being out 
casts ready to perish. 

At our arrival at Boston, we found the 
kindnesses of the Lord in a wonderful man 
ner, in God s opening the hearts of many, to 
bless God with us and for us, wonderfully to 
give for our supplies in our needy state. We 
are under obligations to praise God, for dis 
posing the hearts of so many to so great char 
ity, and under great bonds to pray for a bles 
sing on the heads, hearts and families of them, 
who so liberally and plentifully gave for our 
relief. It is certain, that the charity of the 
whole country of Canada, though moved with 



the doctrines of merit, does not come up to 
the charity of Boston alone, where notions 
of merit are rejected; but acts of charity 
performed out of a right Christian spirit, from 
a spirit of thankfulness to God, out of obed 
ience to God s command, and unfeigned love 
and charity to them that are of the same fam 
ily and household of faith. The Lord grant, 
that all who devise such liberal things, may 
find the accomplishment of the promises 
made by God, in their own persons, and theirs 
after them, from generation to generation. 

I SHALL annex a short account of the troubles begin 
ning to arise in Canada. On May 16, arrived a canoe at 
Quebec, which brought letters from Mississippi, written 
the May preceeding, giving an account that the plague 
was there, and that one hundred and fifty French, in a 
very little time, had died of it; and that the savages, called 
the Lezilouways, were very turbulent, and had with their 
arrows wounded a Jesuit in five places, and killed a 
Frenchman that waited on him. In July, news came, 
that the nations up the river were engaged in a war one 
against the other, and that the French living so among 
them, and trading with them, were in great danger; that 



the Mitchelmacquinas had made war with the Mizian- 
mies, and had killed a mendicant friar, and three other 
Frenchmen, and eleven savages, at a place called the 
straits, where they are settling a garrison and place for 
traffick; the Mitchelmacquinas had taken sixteen French 
men prisoners, and burnt their trading houses. These 
tidings made the French very full of perplexing troubles; 
but the Jesuits are endeavouring to pacify them; but the 
troubles, when we came away, were rather encreasing 
than lessening; for the last letters from the French pris 
oners at Mitchel-macquina* report, that the savages had 
sent out two companies, one of an hundred and fifty, 
another of an hundred and sixty, against the savages at 
the straits; and they feared, they would engage as well 
against the French as the Indians. 


*The present Mackinaw, on the Strait of Mackinac, or Mackinaw, 
formerly Michilimackinac, between I,akes Michigan and Huron. 

Reports of DIVINE KINDNESS; or Remarkable 
Mercies should be faithfully published, for 
the Praise of GOD the Giver; 





Pastor of the CHURCH of CHRIST in Deerfield, 
soon after his Return from Captivity. 

PSALM cvii. 13, 14, 15, 32. He saved them out of their 
distresses. He brought them out of darkness, and the 
shadow of death; and brake their bands in sunder. 
that men would praise the Lord for his goodness; and 
for his wonderful works to the children of men. Let 
them exalt him also in the congregation of the people, and 
praise him in the assembly of the elders. 

PSALM xxxiv. 3. magnify the Lord with me, and let us 
exalt his name together. 

LUKE vin. 39. 

Return to thine own house , and shew how great 
things GOD hath done unto thee. 

THE infinitely wise disposer of all things, 
who aims at his own glory, in the governing 



of rational creatures, doth sometimes bring 
persons into the depths of distress; and then 
magnify his power and grace in raising them 
up out of their afflictions: And in many re 
spects, by such things, he has a design of ad 
vancing his own honour and glory in the 
world. We find in the context, a person in a 
very doleful, distressed condition: He seems 
to be forsaken of God, and made a possession 
and dwelling place of evil spirits, deprived 
of all human comforts and delights, made 
to possess sorrow and pain to such a degree, 
as to be a common subject or theme of dis 
course for all men to relate doleful things 
about. And afterward, God, in very re 
markable and wonderful works of power 
and mercy, not only gives release from his 
sorrowful possession, but he is sitting at the 
feet of Jesus, cloathed, and in his right mind. 
Now this was done for the declarative and 
manifestative glory and honour of God. For 
when this man, for whom such great things 
had been done, petitions Christ that he may 



abide with him, to hear from him, and pay 
his respects to him; he receives command 
ment, to be glorifying the power and mercy 
of God, in declaring to others what great 
things God had done for him. 

1. A subject of great mercy; or a person 
spoken of, for whom God had done great 
things, bestowed eminent mercies. 

2. A particular and special command 
from Christ, to be glorifying God in relating 
to others, what mercies he had been the sub 
ject of. 

3. His obedience to the great command 
of Christ. He went and published the great 
things done for him by Christ; so that from 
the command of Christ, and his obedience 
to it, for which he is commended, you may 
observe this doctrinal conclusion. 

DOCT. It well becomes those who have had 
eminent mercies, to be shewing to others 
what great things God has done for them. 

The holy Scriptures, in many places, 



confirm this truth. See Exod. xii. 25, 26, 27. 
And it shall come to pass, when ye be come to the 
land, which the Lord will give you, according 
as he hath promised, that ye shall keep this 
service. And it shall come to pass, when your 
children shall say unto you, what mean you 
by this service? That ye shall say, it is the 
sacrifice of the Lord s passover, who passed 
over the houses of the children of Israel in 
Egypt, when he smote the Egyptians, and de 
livered our houses. Exod. xiii. 8, 10. And 
thou shalt shew thy son in that day, saying, 
this is done because of that which the Lord did 
unto me, when I came forth out of Egypt. Thou 
shalt therefore keep this ordinance in his sea 
son from year to year. Psal. Ixxviii. 3, 4. 
Which we have heard and known, and our 
fathers have told us; we will not hide them 
from our children, shewing to the generation 
to come the praises of the Lord; and his strength, 
and his wonderful works that he hath done. 
In the prosecution and handling of this 
truth, consider, 

I. They 


I. They who have had mercies, have had 
them from God. God is the bestower and 
giver of all our good things: All our mercies 
come to us by a divine providence, and order 
ing; not by casualty or accident: Neither are 
they of our own procuring and purchasing, 
or others, so as to exclude the providential 
disposing of God. It is God who returns 
the captivity of Zion, Psalm cxxvi. begin. 
When the Lord turned again the captivity of 
Zion, we were like them that dream: Then was 
our mouth filled with laughter, and our tongue 
with singing. Then said they among the 
heathen, the Lord hath done great things for 
them. The Lord hath done great things for 
us; whereof we are glad: Turn again our 
captivity, Lord. The very heathen 
acknowledge the good things bestowed upon, 
and done for the church, to be from God; and 
God s own people acknowledge him for the 
mercies granted, and humbly supplicate mer 
cies from him for the future. It is God who 
gathers the out-casts of Israel: It is he who 



takes away the captives of the mighty, the 
prey of the terrible; who contends with them 
that contend with us, and saves our children. 
It is God who disperseth and gathers again: 
Therefore the psalmist, Psal. ciii. bigin. calls 
upon his soul to bless the Lord, and not to 
forget all his benefits: and saith, It is God 
who forgiveth all thy iniquities, who healeth 
all thy diseases: Who redeemeth thy life from 
destruction, who crowneth thee with loving 
kindness and tender mercies, &c. Sometimes 
God, in a more immediate and extraordinary 
way and manner, confers blessings and mer 
cies; sometimes in a more ordinary and 
mediate way; but his providence is to be 
acknowledged in all: Not one single mercy 
comes to us, without a commission from that 
God by whom our very hairs are numbered. 
II. It well becomes those who have had 
eminent mercies, to be shewing to others what 
great things God hath done for them. There 
fore you find the holy psalmist calling upon 
others, to give a listening ear, whilst he makes 

a narration 


a narration of the salvations he had from God, 
Psal. Ixvi. 1 6. Come and hear, all you that 
fear God, and I will declare what he hath 
done for my soul. 

1st Reason. Because God aimed at the 
advancement of his own honour and glory, 
in the giving and dealing out of these mercies. 
God makes and disposeth all things for his 
own honour and glory. All works of provi 
dence are some way or other to advance the 
honour and glory of God in the world. The 
glory of his power, wisdom, mercy, justice 
and holiness, are some way or other advanced 
in a declarative and manifestative way and 
manner. Now it well becomes us to fall in 
with the design of God, and in an active man 
ner to be giving him glory. That God de 
signs to have glory given to him, is evident 
from Psal. 1. 15. And call upon me in the 
day of trouble, I will deliver thee, and thou 
shalt glorify me. Exod. vii. 5. And the 
Egyptians shall know that I am the Lord, 
when I stretch forth mine hand upon Egypt, and 



bring out the children of Israel from among 
them. God has a design to magnify his 
power, mercy and covenant faithfulness, in 
the eyes of the world. 

id Reason. Because God has given us 
direct precepts, and positive commands, in 
this way, to be glorifying of him. God is 
our Lord and lawgiver, and he requires, that 
among other ways of shewing forth his praises 
we do it by rehearsing his praise-worthy acts 
to the children of men: So that in obedience 
to God, and answering that high and noble 
end we were made for, it is requisite that in 
this way we glorify God. It is enough, that 
the great God, who hath taken us into cove 
nant relation to himself, has enjoined us 
to shew forth his praises, in rehearsing to 
others the salvations and favours we have 
been the subjects of. The forementioned 
Scriptures, with many others that might be 
enumerated, sufficiently demonstrate, that 
God calls for our thankful acknowledg 
ments in this way; and upon the account of 



this being so agreeable to the revealed and 
perceptive will of God, the psalmist expres- 
seth himself, as in Psal. cxlv. 4, 5, 6. One 
generation shall praise thy works to another, 
and shall declare thy mighty acts. I will 
speak of the glorious honour of thy majesty, 
and of thy wondrous works. And men shall 
speak of the might of thy terrible acts: And I 
will declare thy greatness. They shall abun 
dantly utter the memory of thy great goodness; 
and shall sing of thy righteousness. Verses 
10, II, 12. All thy works shall praise thee, 
Lord; and thy saints shall bless thee. They 
shall speak of the glory of thy kingdom, and 
talk of thy power: To make known to the sons 
of men his mighty acts, and the glorious majesty 
of his kingdom. 

%d Reason. Because hereby they will stir 
up others to bless God with them, and for 
them. A truly gracious soul finds by ex 
perience, that he can do but a little in glorify 
ing God, and finds how far he falls short of 
the rule of duty in so reasonable a service 



as glorifying God. And being enlarged in 
desires that the glory due to God might be 
given him, doth call upon others to join with 
him in this heavenly service of praising God; 
and therefore tells them what great things 
God has done. Psalm xxxiv. 2, 3, 4, 6. My 
soul shall make her boast in the Lord: The 
humble shall hear thereof, and be glad. 
magnify the Lord with me, and let us exalt 
his name together. I sought the Lord, and 
he heard me; and delivered me from all my 
fears. This poor man cried, and the Lord 
heard him; and saved him out of all his 
troubles. When Moses told his father-in-law 
Jethro, the great things God had done for 
Israel, he glorifies God on their hehalf, Exod. 
xviii. 8, &c. And Moses told his father-in- 
law, all that the Lord had done unto Pharaoh, 
and to the Egyptians for Israel s sake, and all 
the travail that had come upon them by the way, 
and how the Lord delivered them. And Jethro 
rejoiced for all the goodness which the Lord 
had done to Israel; whom he had delivered 



out of the hand of the Egyptians. And Jethro 
said, blessed be the Lord, who hath delivered 
you out of the hand of the Egyptians, 
and out of the hand of Pharaoh, who hath 
delivered the people from under the hand of 
the Egyptians. Now I know that the Lord 
is greater than all gods: For in the thing wherein 
they dealt proudly, he was above them. By 
this means, thanks will be given to God by 
many: As many have been praying to God for 
them, so many will be praising and blessing 
God with them,and for them. 

4//z Reason. Because hereby they will 
oftentimes be advised and counselled how to 
improve such mercies to the glory of God. 
We are conscious to ourselves of so much 
blindness, ignorance, and darkness, that we 
cannot but own it a great thing to be in a 
way for the best counsel, what to do with our 
mercies, and what and how to return to God 
for them. Now the publishing the great 
things done by God for us, puts others in a 
capacity to be advising and telling us what 



temptations we may expect to meet with, and 
what will be needful on our part to avoid 
temptations, and how to over-come; they will 
be counselling us, how to be in a way of ren 
dering to the Lord according to the bene 
fits done unto us; what duties God looks 
for the performance of, and directions how 
to do duty. In a word, we may be counselled 
how to order our whole conversation so as 
God may have glory, and our good purposes 
of honouring and glorifying God with our 
mercies, established. Prov. xx. 18. Every 
purpose is established by counsel. When Mo 
ses had told Jethro what great things God had 
done for Israel, he saith, Exod. xviii. 19. 
Hearken now unto my voice, I will give thee 
counsel, and God shall be with thee, ffc. 

5//z Reason. Because hereby they will be 
instrumental to put others upon trusting God, 
making him their hope and refuge in an evil 
day. Others will be excited to a seeking 
refuge under the shadow of his wings, Psal. 
xliv. begin. We have heard with our ears, 



God, our fathers have told us, what work 
thou didst in their days, in the times of old. 
How thou didst drive out the heathen, &c. 
And then it is said, Thou art my king, O God: 
Command deliverances for Jacob. Through 
thee will we push down our enemies: Through 
thy name will we tread them under that rise 
up against us. For I will not trust in my 
bow, neither shall my sword save me. In 
God we boast all the day long. Others that 
have heard, will say, such and such an one 
was thus exercised, and God appeared for 
them, and put songs of praise to the Lord 
into their mouths; we will commit our case 
to God too; we will both hope and quietly 
wait for God s salvation too. Your telling 
others, how you have found God a prayer- 
hearing God, will encourage them, prayer- 
wise, to be committing their distresses and 
difficult cases to him. What an honour to 
be instrumental to any soul s comfort, and 
God s honour; agreeable to this is that Psal. 
Ixxviii. 5, 6, 7. Which he commanded our 



fathers, that they should make them known to 
their children: That the generation to come 
might know them, even the children which 
should be born; who should arise and declare 
them to their children: That they might set 
their hope in God, and not forget the works 
of God; but keep his commandments. 

6th Reason. Because the works of God 
towards them have been very wonderful. The 
psalmist often speaks of the works of God as 
marvelous; they are wonderful, if we consider 
how God timed the mercy; when their feet 
well nigh slipt, when they could see no way 
of escape; as with the children of Israel at 
the Red Sea. How very wonderful and mar 
vellous was the work of God, in putting by the 
wicked purpose of Haman against Mordecai 
and the Jews ? If we consider how God 
kept from falling, by making them pass a 
right judgment on their ways and his ways, 
as Psal. Ixxiii. Yea, appearing to save them, 
when with Jonah they were saying, They 
were cast out of God s sight. All refuge seemed 



to fail, none shewing any care for their soul; 
even then God made good his word, on which 
he had caused them to hope, as Psalm cxlii. 
per totum. The works of God are marvel 
lous, if we consider the way and manner of 
ushering in the mercy, the instruments that 
were made use of, and how he disappointed 
the counsels of the crafty. 

Jth Reason. Because it is a good evidence, 
that they regarded and took notice of the 
works of God in mercy, and would not for 
get his wonderful works towards them. For 
hereby they put others under advantages to 
put them in mind what favours they have 
received from God. 

* USE I. OF INSTRUCTION. And, First, It 
informs us that it is very acceptable to God, for 
Christians to entertain the report of the exper 
iences of others, to excite their own hearts to 
glorify God. For if God make it a duty in 
the receiver to report, it lays the hearer under 
an obligation to set such remarks upon the 
passages of divine providence to others, as 



may be useful to engage their hearts to glorify 
God, for the favours and blessings he has 
bestowed upon others. And therefore, in obe 
dience to God s command, that you may 
be under advantages to glorify God, I will ; 
now make a report of some of the great things 
God has done for those you have been put 
ting up so many prayers to God for. God 
has eminently been fufilling that word, Psalm 
cvi. 46. He made them also to be pitied, of 
all those that carried them captives. 

God hath made those whose characters 
have been, that they were such whose ten 
der mercies were cruelties; such from whom 
one act of pity and compassion could scarce be 
expected, even such who have delighted in 
cruelty; to pity and compassionate such wBb 
were led into captivity by them. Made them 
bear on their arms, and carry on their shoul 
ders, our little ones, unable to travel. Feed 
their prisoners with the best of their provis 
ion: Yea, sometimes pinch themselves, as to 
their daily food, rather than their captives. 




To pity them under sickness, and afford all 
proper means for the restoration of their 
health, or recovery from lameness. Made 
heathen s bowels yearn towards poor infants 
exposed to death, so as to work out their 
deliverance from fatal strokes, by burdening 
of themselves. Oh! let us adore the riches 
of the grace of God, who in wrath remembers 
mercy, and doth not stir up all his wrath; 
and from hence be encouraged, when under 
convictions of God s being angry with us, 
yet to look to him for mercy. 

God has upheld many poor souls under all 
manner of disadvantages, as to getting of 
knowledge, and kept them from falling, 
though crafty adversaries were under all ad 
vantages, and painful endeavours used to 
seduce them. Being without Bibles, minis 
ters, or Christian friends to confer with, daily 
harrassed with temptations and tempters : 
Some threatened, some flattered, some shut 
up and confined in monasteries, where no 
means were unessayed to gain them to change 
their religion. God 



God has strengthened them to go through 
tedious journeys, and renewed strength, when 
they were even fainting in their spirits; 
thinking it not possible to travel five miles, and 
yet enabled to travel at least forty in a day. 
Remarkably ordering seasons, so as to be for 
their comfort in their travels; causing a moist 
snow to fall on the lake, only to such a height 
as to make it easy to their swoln and wounded 
feet: Changing the winds for their advantages, 
in petty voyages, in their ticklish canoes. 

They have found God a little sanctuary to 
them, in the land of strangers; even there they 
have found the consolations of God through 
Christ not to be small; so that some of the 
most joyful and refreshing favours from 
heaven, have been given in to their souls, 
when under all sorts of outward afflictions. 

They have found God a God hearing pray 
ers, when they have gone to him with their 
most difficult cases, preserving them from 
falling; recovering theirs from falls; to 
making void the counsels of adversaries, 



disappointing them in the things they dealt 
most proudly in. God has brought his to a 
resignation to his will, and then appeared 
dealing out mercies, as the very case did 

God has sanctified to some, their former 
Sabbath solemn attendances on duties of 
piety, private as well as publick; and a re 
ligious education to be an unanswerable ob 
jection against such who were zealous for 
the traditions of men, to a visible profaning 
God s Sabbaths. They durst not embrace 
that religion, whose principles as well as 
practices, were so contrary to the precepts 
of God s holy word. Oh ! how should minis 
ters and parents be encouraged from hence to 
use their utmost care, that God s Sabbaths 
may beduly sanctified by allundertheircharge; 
and that they would be exemplary before 
others, in a due observance of holy time. 

God has made the falls of some to popery 
a means for the recovery of others; and mak 
ing those things, by which the adversary 



thought to increase their numbers and prose 
lytes, to be occasional of recovering such who 
from their youth had been educated in the 
popish way; having been taken captives when 
young. Do not be discouraged, and say, 
your friends and relations have (being cap 
tivated when young) for a long time lived in 
popery, and therefore no hopes of recovery; 
for God can make dry bones, very dry, to live, 
and can in ways unthought of by you, both 
recover them after they have fallen, and return 
them again. The adversaries have some 
times pretended miracles for the confirmation 
of their religion, that they might seduce 
to popery; in fallacious ways caused re 
ports that some captives died papists; that 
one appeared in flames of fire to bear a tes 
timony against the Protestant religion; but 
God has, in his wise providence, made known 
their falsehoods and lies. 

They have sought to persuade some, by 
sums of money, to change their religion, offer 
ing honour and advancement to them at the 



same time; but God has enabled them to 
resist and hate such allurements. 

The reading the fourth chapter of Deuter 
onomy, a means of recovering one from 

God has made some, with an heroical, yea 
with a right Christian courage, to welcome 
death. Oh let every one get such a prepared 
ness for death, that a sudden death may not 
be a terror! 

God has made some, by the want of sanc 
tuary mercies, to set an higher value upon the 
ordinances of Jesus Christ. Oh learn to 
prize and improve them, lest God teach you, 
by the briars and thorns of the wilderness, 
the worth of them, and make you weep when 
you sit down at the rivers of Babylon. 

God has strengthened some to stand, when 
they have not only been threatened with all 
cruelties if they refused, but when the hatchet 
has been lifted up, with a threatening of 
speedy death in case of refusal. Oh let every 
one trust in God, who is a seasonable help 
and a present refuge! INSTRUCTION 


INSTRUCTION II. How they are to blame, 
that do not regard and take notice of the 
works of God, nor treasure up the remem 
brance of them in their minds. How soon 
are mercies like to be forgotten; the psalmist 
says, Forget not all his benefits. It was the 
great sin of the Israelites of old, that they 
soon forgat God s wondrous works. The 
holy God gave order, that his people should 
erect stones of remembrance, that his won 
derful works of mercy to his people might 
not be forgotten; yea, commanded parents 
to tell their children, from generation to gen 
eration, what great things he had done for 
them. How are they then to blame that say, 
They bless God for their mercies, and do not 
rehearse the praise-worthy works of divine 
providence to others. 

USE II. To direct such, who have received 
great and eminent mercies from God, in this 
way of making known to others the wonders 
of mercy to them, to be praising God. It is 
one way very proper and agreeable to the 



revealed will of God: You must watch 
against all vain ostentation. 

have, in a more peculiar way and manner, 
been casting off the effects and fruits of divine 
bounty and goodness, to be declaring what 
great things God has done for them. 

Therefore, i. Beware of all manner of 
pride. Sometimes men cannot declare the 
great works of God done for them, without 
making known their own weakness, and there 
fore are silent, and hold their peace; they had 
rather God should lose his glory, than they 
any of their credit or esteem. But the holy 
psalmist says, His feet had well nigh slipt , 
yea, that in his haste he had said, all men are 
liars; and that one day he should surely per 
ish; take shame to himself, that he might mag 
nify the preventing and delivering grace and 
goodness of God. Sometimes men s pride 
makes them so admire their own parts and 
contrivances, as to over-look the works of 
divine providence; they sacrifice to their own 



net, and burn incense to their own drag; and 
say they have so much learning and knowl 
edge, that they could easily answer arguments 
to seduce them to popery; and so do not see 
and acknowledge the goodness of God, in 
preserving and keeping them. 

2. Beware of a stupid, senseless, sloth 
ful spirit. The works of God are sought out 
of them that have pleasure in them. Some 
will not be at the pains to recollect the pas 
sages of divine providence; will not commit 
them to writing, or to their memories, and 
therefore soon forget them; they never wisely 
observe the heightening circumstances of their 

Consider, 3. How heavenly an employ 
and service it is, to be glorifying and praising 
God. It will be one part of the work of 
heaven, to be telling of the wonderful works 
of God towards us. Begin such an heavenly 
employ on earth. Hereby you will also in 
terest yourselves in the prayers of others: To 
have many prayers going daily to God for 



you, how great a favour is it ! Others hearing 
what mercies you have had, will bear you upon 
their hearts when at the throne of grace, that 
you may suitably improve such mercies. 

The glorifying God is the greatest and chief- 
est concern of gracious souls; and the glori 
fying of God here, is the way to be glorified 
by, and with God forever. The not glorify 
ing God is very displeasing to him, and a way 
to deprive ourselves of the sweet and com 
fort of our mercies. God accounts forgetting 
of mercies, a forgetting himself. 



Drawn up and sent to the Rev. Mr. PRINCE, by the Rev. 
Mr. STEPHEN WILLIAMS, of Springfield, who on Febru 
ary 2gtb, 1703-4, was, with his Rev. father, Mr. JOHN 
WILLIAMS, of Deer field, carried captive into Canada, but 
returned, and was educated at Harvard College. 

Names of those Persons who were taken Captive at 
Deerfield, Feb. agth, 1703-4. 

MARY Alexander, 
Mary Alexander, Jun. 
Joseph Alexander, ran 

away the first night. 
Mary Allis, 
Thomas Baker, 
Simon Beaumont, 
Hannah Beaumont, 

* Hephzibah Beldlng, 
John Bridgman, ran 

away in the meadow. 
Nathaniel Brooks, 

* Mary Brooks, 

t Mary Brooks, Jun. 
t William Brooks, 
Abigail Brown, 
Benjamin Burt, 
John Burt, 
Sarah Burt, 

* Hannah Carter, 

* Hannah Carter, Jun. 
t Mercy Carter, 

t Samuel Carter, 
t John Carter, 
Ebenezer Carter, 

* Marah Carter, 
John Catlin, 
Ruth Catlin, 

* Elizabeth Corse, 

t Elizabeth Corse, Jun. Joseph Kellogg 
t Daniel Crowfoot, t Joanna Kelloi 

* Mary French, 
Thomas French, Jun. 
Mary French, Jun. 

t Freedom French, 
t Martha French , 
t Abigail French, 
t Mary Harris, 
t Samuel Hastings, 

* Elizabeth Hawks, 
Mehuman Hinsdel, 
Mary Hinsdel, 
Jacob Hlx, died at 

Deacon David Holt, 

died at Cowass, 
Abigail Holt, 
Jonathan Holt. 
Sarah Holt, 
t Ebenezer Holt, 

* Abigail Holt, Jun. 
Elizabeth Hull, 

t Thomas Hurst, 
t Ebenezer Hurst, 

* Benonl Hurst, 
Sarah Hurst, 
Sarah Hurst, Jun. 
Elizabeth Hurst, 
t Hannah Hurst, 
Martin Kellogg, 
Martin Kellogg, Jun. 

t Abigail Denio, 
Sarah Dickinson , 
Joseph Eastman, 
Mary Field, 
John Field, 
t Mary Field, Jun. 
* Mary Frary, 
Thomas French, 

t Joanna Kellogg, 

Joseph Petty, 
Sarah Petty, 
Lydla Pomroy, 
Joshua Pomroy, 

* Esther Pomroy, 
Samuel Price, 

t Jemima Richards, 
t Josiah Rlseing, 
Hannah Shelden, 
Ebenezer Shelden, 
Remembrance Shelden, 
Mary Shelden, 
John Stebbins, 
Dorothy Stebbins, 
John Stebbins, Jun. 
Samuel Stebbins, 
t Ebenezer Stebbins, 
t Joseph Stebbins, 
t Thankful Stebbins, 
t Elizabeth Stevens, 
Ebenezer Warner, 

* Waitstill Warner, 

t Waitstill Warner, Jun. 
Sarah Warner, 
Rev. John Williams, 

* Mrs. Eunice Williams, 
Samuel Williams, 
Stephen Williams, 

t Eunice Williams, Jun. 
Esther Williams, 
Warham, Williams, 
John Weston, 
Judah Wright, 

Three Frenchmen who 
had lived In the town for 
some time, and came 
from Canada, were also 

Rebecca Kellogg, 
John Marsh, 
Sarah Multoon, 

* Philip Multoon, 

* Frank, a negro. 

* Mehitable Nims, 
Ebenezer Nlms, 

t Abigail Nims, 

NOTE. Where there is this sign * against the person s name, It is to signify 
they were killed after they went out of town: And this mark t is to signify 
that they are still absent from their native country. 



Names of those who were slain at that time in or near 
the town. 


DAVID Alexander, Samuel Hlnsdale, Mrs. Shelden, 

Thomas Carter, Joseph Ingersol, Mercy Shelden, 

John Catlin, Jonathan Kellogg, Samuel Smead s wife and 

Jonathan Catlin, Philip Matloon s wife two children, 

Sarah Field, and child, Elizabeth Smead, 

Samson Frary, Parthena, a negro. Martin Smith, 

John French, Henry Nims, Serg. Benoni Stebbins, 

Alice Hawks, Mary Nims,* > Andrew Stevens, 

John Hawks, Jun., Mercy Nims, Mary Wells, 

and his wife .Mehitable Nims, John Williams, jun. 

Thankful Hawks, Sarah Price, Jerusha Williams. 

John Hawks, Mercy Root, 

Martha Hawks, Thomas Shelden, 


SAMUEL Allis, Joseph Catlin, Jonathan Ingram, 

Serg. Boltwood, Samuel Foot, Serg. Benjamin Wait, 

Robert Boltwood, David Holt, jun. Nathaniel Warner. 

* These three it was supposed were burnt In the cellar. 

An account of the mischief done by the enemy in Deerfield 
from the beginning of its settlement to the death of the 
Rev. Mr. JOHN WILLIAMS, in June, 1729. 

1. 1 H E enemy beset the place, and killed one 
James Egleston, September I, 1675. 

2. The Indians fell upon the people as they were going 
to public worship, on Sept. 12, 1675, and wounded one 
Samuel Harrington in the neck, but the wound did not 
prove mortal. One man was drove into the swamp, 
taken and killed. 

3. Captain Lothrop and company were slain at Muddy 
brook (alias) Bloody brook, on Sept. 18, 1675. 

4. The 


4. The fall f-ght (as it is called) was on May 18, 1676, 
when a great slaughter was made of the enemy, but Capt. 
Turner and 37 men were lost. There were many remark- 
ables, relating to this affair, (as related by Jonathan 
Wells, Esq., who was present) which are not taken notice 
of by Mr. Hubbard or Dr. Mather. 

5. Sept. 19, 1677. John Root was killed, and Serg. 
Plympton, Quintin Stockwell, and Benoni Stebbins, were 
taken captive, but Stebbins made his escape from them 
and got home. This was after they began to settle the 
place a second time; for upon Capt. Lothrop s loss, the 
town was deserted for some time; but this year, 1677, 
they began to build again. Serg. Plympton was ac 
counted a gracious man; he was burnt by the Indians, 
and the Indians obliged one Dickinson, taken at Hat- 
field, to lead him to the stake: The manner of burning 
was this; they covered him with dry bark, set it on fire, 
then they quenched the fire, and anon firing it again. 
He went cheerfully to the stake, &c. The town was 
deserted for some time: In 1684, they returned again 
to settle the town. 

6. June 1693. The widow Hepzibah Wells and her 
three daughters were knocked on the head and scalped, 
two of them died, but the other lived; at. the same time 
Thomas Broughton was killed, and his wife, great with 
child, and three of their children. 

7. On October 13, 1693. Martin Smith was taken, 



and carried to Canada, from whence he returned after 
some years. 

8. Sept. 15, 1694. Monsieur Castreen, with a number 
of Indians, beset the fort, but were beat off: Daniel Sev 
erance (a lad) was killed in the meadow; and John 
Beaumont, and Richard Lyman, soldiers in the fort, 
were wounded, but recovered. Mrs. Hannah Beaumont 
and some children who were her scholars, were remark 
ably preserved : As they ran from the house to the fort, 
the enemy fired many shot at them, and the bullets 
whistled about their ears; but none of them were hurt, 
although some of the enemy were very near them. 

9. August 18, 1695. Mr. Joseph Barnard was fired 
upon by the enemy, and his horse was shot down: He 
himself was wounded in the body, one wrist shivered to 
pieces, his other hand wounded; but yet through the 
bravery of Godfry Nims, and others with him, he was 
brought into the town, and lived till Sept. 6, and then died, 
greatly lamented, &c. 

10. Sept. 16, 1696. John Gillet and John Smead, were 
hunting up Green river; the Indians came upon them, 
and took Gillet, but Smead made his escape; the enemy 
left two or three men with Gillet, and the rest came 
along to the town, and assaulted Daniel Belding s house, 
took Mr. Belding, his son Nathaniel, and daughter 
Esther, captive: Killed his wife and three children, and 
wounded Samuel and Abigail, but they recovered, 



although Samuel had a hatchet stuck in his head, and 
some of his brains came out at the wound. 

11. July, 1698. Nathaniel Pomroy was killed, being 
with a party of men that went up the river after some 
Indians that had done mischief at Hatfield: At the same 

time Samuel Dickinson, and one Charly, were 

retaken from the enemy. This is related by Dr. Cotton 
Mather, in his history of the ten years war, &c. 

12. October 8, 1703. Zebediah Williams and John 
Nims, were taken captive, and carried to Canada; Wil 
liams died there; Nims, with some others, made their 
escape, and got home to Deerfield, in 1705. 

13. The town was taken February 29, 1703,4. 

14. May n, 1704. John Allen and his wife were 
killed at a place called the Barrs. 

15. Serg. John Hawks, riding on the road, was fired at 
by the enemy, and wounded in the hand, but got off to 
Hatfield, and his wound was healed, &c. This was in 
the summer of 1704. 

1 6. July 19, 1704. Thomas Russell was killed by the 
enemy, north of the town. 

17. August, 1708. A scout went up to the white river, 
and as they returned, were fired upon by the enemy, and 
one man, whose name was Barber, was killed; and he 
killed the Indian that killed him. Martin Kellogg, jun. 
was taken captive, and the rest escaped. 

1 8. Oct. 


18. Oct. 26, 1708. E. Field was killed near muddy 

19. Mehuman Hinsdale was taken captive as he was 
driving his team from Northampton. This was April 1 1, 
1709: The second time of his captivity: He was carried 
to Canada, and from thence to France, and got to Eng 
land, and from thence home, &c. 

20. May, 1709. Lieut. John Wells, and John Burt, 
were lost in a skirmish with the enemy on the French 
river, after they had been, with others, as far as Lake 
Champlain, and killed some of the enemy. 

21. Joseph Clesson and John Arms were taken June 
22, 1709, and the next day Jonathan Williams was killed, 
and Matthew Clesson mortally wounded; and Lieut. 
Thomas Taylor and Isaac Matloon were wounded, but 

22. July 30, 1712. Serg. Samuel Taylor, and others, 
were sent out as a scout to the north river, they were 
attacked by the enemy, and Samuel Andross was killed; 
Jonathan Barrett was wounded in the side, and then 
taken; one William Sandford was also taken, the rest got 
home, &c. The prisoners were carried to Canada, where 
they met Lieut. Samuel Williams, who was then at Can 
ada with a flag of truce), who ransomed them from the 
Indians, and brought them home: They were absent 
but about two months. 

23. June 27, 1724. Ebenezer Shelden, Thomas 



Colton, and Jeremiah English, (a friend Indian), were 
killed on the road beyond the green river houses; and it 
was supposed the enemy received some damage from 
some of our forces, who came upon them speedily, &c. 

24. July 10, 1724. Lieut. Timothy Childs and Sam 
uel Allen, were shot upon and wounded, as they were 
returning from their labour in the field, but they escaped, 
and were healed of their wounds. 

25. August 25, 1725. Deacon Field, deacon Childs, 
and others, were going up to green river farms, and were 
ambushed by the Indians, but they discovered the 
Indians; and John Wells discharged his gun at an Indian, 
who fell: The Indians fired at them, and wounded deacon 
Samuel Field, the ball passing through the right hypo- 
condria, cutting off three plaits of the mysenteria, which 
hung out of the wound, in length almost two inches, 
which was cut off even with the body, the bullet passing 
between the lowest and the next rib, cutting, at its going 
forth, the lowest rib: His hand being close to the body 
when the ball came forth, it entered at the root of the 
heel of the thumb, cutting the bone of the fore finger, and, 
resting between the fore and second finger, was cut out, 
and all the wounds were cured in less than five weeks, 
by doctor Thomas Hastings. 


By the Rev. JOHN TAYLOR, the present minister of the 
Gospel in Deerfield; containing some account of the mis 
chief done by the enemy, in Deerfield, and its vicinity, 
from the death of the Rev. Mr. WILLIAMS, to the con 
clusion of the last French war. 

THE readers of this appendix, will probably 
feel desirous of knowing the reasons, why, in many things, 
I have been so general; only having given a brief state 
ment of facts; and in others, have been more particular. 
I trust, it will be a sufficient apology to observe, that I 
have done it for want of better documents. Most of the 
facts mentioned, I have taken from the minutes of some 
gentlemen, who kept them, only for their own satisfac 
tion, and were not particular; and now, the distance of 
time, precludes the possibility of obtaining such an account 
of circumstances, as may be depended on. 

One reason, of my adding this appendix, is, I suppose 
that it will not be disagreeable to any who were desirous 
that the narrative should be reprinted, especially the 
descendants of those who were either killed, wounded, 
or captivated; and for this reason I have been careful 
also to mention the names of such. 

Another reason is, I think that every vestige of history, 
which respects the early settlement of a country, should 
be preserved, for the satisfaction of future generations. 



THE last account of mischief, mentioned in the former 
appendix, done by the enemy in this part of the country, 
was in August, 1725. This year, terminated the war. A 
treaty of peace was held at Boston, by commissioners 
from the General Court, and the chiefs of the Indian 
tribes; at which, articles were signed, and a long peace 

There appeared, for many years, an unusually pacific 
spirit among the Indians; probably in consequence of 
some acts of the General Court, favourable to them in 
their trade. It was thought, that they never again would 
have been disposed to hostilities, had they not been under 
the immediate influence of French interest. 

War was declared between France and England, 
March, 1744. The first year of the war, no Indians 
made their appearance in this part of the country: They 
had found by experience, that to maintain an open trade 
with the English, was greatly for their interest; and con 
sequently at first, entered into the war with reluctance. 

The first mischief that I can obtain an account of, done 
by the enemy, in this part of the country, in the course 
of this war, was in July, 1745; when a few Indians came 
to a place called the great meadow, about 16 miles above 
fort Dummer, on Connecticut river; two of whom, cap 
tivated William Phips, as he was hoeing his corn. After 
having taken, and led him about half a mile, they made 
a stand; and as the Indians afterwards informed, one of 



them having laid down his gun, and gone a few rods, for 
the purpose of fetching something he had left, on his re 
turn, Phips took up the Indian s gun, fired upon, and 
killed him; then fell upon the other with his hoe, struck 
him down, and bruised him, until he supposed he was 
dead; he then attempted to make his escape, but unfor 
tunately, three more of the enemy came upon him, and 
killed him. 

The same month, deacon Josiah Fisher, was killed, 
and scalped at a place called the upper Ashwelot. 

October n. The fort at the great meadow, was attack 
ed by a large party of French and Indians; the attack was 
bold, and furious, but without success. No lives were 
lost. Nehemiah Howe was taken captive, and carried 
to Quebec, where he soon died. The enemy on their 
return, met one David Rugg, with another person, pass 
ing down Connecticut river in a canoe; Rugg they killed, 
and scalped, the other person, with some difficulty, made 
his escape. 

I can find no farther account of mischief done by the 
enemy, in this part of the country, in the year 1745, but 
in 46 they began in season, and the sufferings of the 
people were very considerable. 

In April, the enemy made their appearance at No. 4, 
(now Charleston), which was then the most northern 
settlement, on Connecticut river; Capt. John Spafford, 
Isaac Parker, and Stephen Farnsworth, being at a little 



distance from the fort, were captivated, and carried to 

The same month, a party of Indians ambushed the 
road, between Northfield and Lunenburgh, and killed 
Joshua Holton. 

On the 23d of the same month, a large party of the 
enemy, came to the upper Ashwelot, with a design to 
have taken the fort by surprise, but being discovered by 
a person who was providentially at that time at a little 
distance from the garrison, they were disconcerted; an 
action however ensued, which continued for some time; 
the enemy finally withdrew. In this action, John Bullard 
was killed, Nathan Blake was captivated, and the wife 
of Daniel M Kinne, being out of the fort, was overtaken 
and stabbed. Before the enemy retired, they burnt sev 
eral buildings, which was supposed to have been done, 
not so much for the sake of mischief, as to conceal their 
dead; there being many human bones afterwards found 
among the ashes. 

In the beginning of May, the enemy again appeared 
at No. 4; a few people were near a barn, about sixty rods 
from the fort, when they were fired upon by a consider 
able body who had concealed themselves in the barn. 
Seth Putnam, a soldier belonging to the fort, was killed; 
whilst the enemy were endeavouring to scalp him, Major 
Willard, commander of the garrison, with two soldiers, 
ran near to them undiscovered, and fired upon them, 



upon which they retreated with great haste. The In 
dians afterwards reported to the prisoners in Canada, 
that at this time two of their number were mortally 
wounded, and died soon after. 

May 6, a large party of Indians made an attempt upon 
the fort at Falltown; (now Bernardston), a person about 
forty rods from the fort discovering them, gave informa 
tion to another farther distant than himself; by this the 
enemy found they were discovered, and ran immediately 
to the fort; an attack commenced, which continued for 
some time, and though there were but three soldiers in 
the fort, they defended it till the enemy withdrew. John 
Burk was slightly wounded, one house was burnt, and 
about ten cattle were killed. Two Indians were mor 
tally wounded, who died soon after their return. 

On the same day, Serg. John Hawks, and John Miles, 
were fired upon by two Indians, as they were riding out 
from fort Massachusetts, and were both wounded: Miles 
made his escape to the fort; Hawks fought for some time, 
and as afterwards appeared, might have taken them both 
prisoners had he understood their language; they asked 
him for quarter before he turned to make his escape. 

loth. Five of that party of Indians, who the day before 
had been at Falltown fort, ambushed the road at Colrain. 
Matthew Clark, with his wife and daughter, together 
with two soldiers were fired upon, a few rods from the 
fort; Clark was killed, and his wife and daughter were 



wounded; one of the soldiers returning the fire, killed one 
of the enemy, which gave them a check, and he brought 
the wounded into the fort. 

A few days after, about twenty men were out, fifty or 
sixty rods from the fort, at No. 4, viewing the place where 
Parker was killed on the 2d of the month, and before they 
discovered an enemy, they were fired upon by a large body 
of Indians, who immediately endeavoured to cut off their 
communication with the fort; Capt. Stevens, commander 
of the garrison, came out with a body of men for their 
relief, a severe action commenced, which continued for 
some time; at last the enemy fled; and as was supposed 
with considerable loss. Capt. Stevens lost three, viz. 
Aaron Lyon, Peter Perrin, and Joseph Marcy; he had 
four wounded, and one taken captive. 

June ii. A party of the enemy again appeared at fort 
Massachusetts; a number of men being at some distance 
from the fort, were attacked, and a skirmish ensued: The 
enemy fled, after sustaining the fire but a few moments. 
Elisha Nims, and Gershom Hawks were wounded; and 
Benj. Tenter was captivated. One of the enemy was 

igth. A large body of the enemy again appeared at No. 
4; Capt. Stevens, and Capt. Brown, marching with about 
fifty men from the fort into the meadow, were ambushed; 
the enemy were discovered before they fired : Stevens be 
gan the attack, and a severe action ensued; after some 



time the enemy were repulsed, and retreated in great 
haste and confusion. Capt. Stevens lost none on the spot. 
Jedediah Winchel was mortally wounded, and died soon 
after. David Parker, Jonathan Stanhope, and Noah 
Heaton were also wounded, but recovered. 

2Oth. A party of about twenty Indians came to Bridg- 
man s fort, about two miles below fort Dummer, and fell 
upon a number of men who were at work in the meadow. 
In this skirmish William Robins and James Parker were 
killed; John Beaumont and Daniel How were taken cap 
tive; M. Gilson, and Patrick Ray were wounded, but 

July 3. The enemy waylaid a mill in Hinsdale; Colonel 
Willard having come to the mill with a guard of about 20 
men, for the purpose of grinding, and having placed his 
guards, they were soon fired upon; the Col. calling to his 
men with great earnestness to fall upon them, gave them 
such a fright, that they fled, leaving behind them their 
packs, and provisions, to the value of 40!. old tenor. 

z8th. David Morrison, of Colrain, was taken captive, 
near one of the garrisons. 

August 3. A body of the enemy appeared at No. 4; 
suspicions of their approach were excited by the yelling 
of dogs. A scout was sent out from the fort, and had pro 
ceeded but a few rods before they were fired on. Eben- 
ezer Philips was killed; the remainder made their escape 
to the fort; the enemy surrounded the garrison, and 



endeavoured, for three days, to take it; but finding their 
efforts ineffectual, they withdrew, after having burnt sev 
eral buildings, and killed all the cattle, horses, &c. which 
they could find. 

nth. Benj. Wright, of Northfield, riding in the woods, 
was fired on, and mortally wounded; he died in a few 

I yth. Ezekiel Wallingford was killed, and scalped, at a 
place called Poquiag. The same day, a person by the 
name of Bliss, was killed, and scalped, on the road be 
tween Deerfield, and Colrain, or Bernardston. 

20th. An army of about nine hundred French and In 
dians, under command of Gen. de Vaudreuil, made an 
attack upon fort Massachusetts. The fort was com 
manded by Col. Hawks, who, unfortunately, was not in a 
situation to defend it against such a force, having but 
thirty-three persons, men, women, and children, in the 
fort; and being miserably provided with ammunition; 
with great fortitude, he defended it for twenty-eight hours; 
and had not his ammunition failed, it is probable he never 
would have given up the fort. He was, finally, necessi 
tated to capitulate; and he offered such articles as were 
accepted by de Vaudreuil. One special article in this 
capitulation, was, that none of the prisoners should be 
delivered into the hands of the Indians; the next day, 
however, Vaudreuil divided the prisoners, and delivered 
them one half, in open violation, and contempt of the 



article.* The Indians immediately killed one, who, by 
reason of sickness, was unable to travel. The prisoners 
were, in general, treated with civility, most of whom were 
afterwards redeemed. Col. Hawks lost but one man in 
the siege. Gen. de Vaudreuil, according to the best ac 
counts the prisoners could obtain, lost forty-five, who 
were either killed outright, or died of their wounds. 

Immediately, after the capture of the fort, a party of 
about fifty Indians came on, for the purpose of making 
depredations upon Deerfield. They came first upon a 
hill, at the south west corner of the south meadow, where 
they discovered ten, or twelve, men and children at work, 
in a situation, in which they might all, with ease, be made 
prisoners. Had they succeeded in their design, which 
was, to obtain prisoners, rather than scalps, it is probable 
that events would not have been so disasterous as they 
proved. They were disconcerted by the following cir 
cumstance: Mr. Eleazer Hawks was out that morning a 
fowling, and was providentially at the foot of the hill, 
at the time the enemy came down; they, seeing him, sup 
posed they were discovered, and immediately fired upon 
him, killed, and scalped him. This gave an alarm to 
the people in the meadow, some of whom were but a few 


* General de Vaudreuil s plea for this breach of faith, was, the 
danger of mutiny in his army, the Indians being irritated to a 
great degree, on account of their being cut off, by the capitula 
tion, from all the profits of the conquest. But, how far this plea 
was a justification of such perfidy, I leave to the judicious to de 


rods distant. The enemy were now sensible, that what 
they did must be done with dispatch. Accordingly they 
rushed into the meadow, fired on Simeon Amsden, a lad, 
and killed him, beheaded, and scalped him. Mr. Sam 
uel Allen, John Sadler, and Adonijah Gillet, ran a few 
rods, and made a stand, under the bank of the river, 
where they were attacked with fury, and fought for a 
little time with great bravery; they were, however, soon 
overpowered with numbers. Allen and Gillet fell. Sad 
ler, finding himself alone, ran across the river, and made 
his escape, amidst a shower of balls. Whilst this was 
passing, Oliver Amsden was pursued a few rods, over 
taken, and stabbed, after having his hands and fingers 
cut in pieces, by endeavouring to defend himself against 
the enemies knives. At the same time, three children 
by the name of Allen, all of whom are still living, were 
pursued; Eunice, one of the three, was struck down with 
a tomahawk, which was sunk into her head, but by rea 
son of the haste in which the enemy retreated, she was 
left unscalped, and afterwards recovered. Caleb, the 
present Mr. Caleb Allen, of Deerfield, made his escape; 
and Samuel was taken captive, the only prisoner who 
was taken at this time.* The firing immediately alarmed 


*This lad, after a year and nine months, was redeemed. Col. 
Hawks, who was sent to Canada for the purpose of redeeming 
captives, after enquiring for the lad, was informed, that he was 
unwilling to be seen, and that he expressed great dissatisfaction 
upon hearing of his arrival: When he was brought into the 
presence of Col. Hawks, he was unwilling to know him, although 


the town. Capt. Hopkins, commander of the standing 
guard, together with most of the inhabitants, as volun 
teers, came on with the utmost expedition, but the enemy 
had withdrawn in great haste, expecting, no doubt, a 
violent attack; they were pursued several miles by a body 
of men, under the command of Capt. Clesson, but could 
not be overtaken. 

It does not appear, as a matter of certainty, that more 
than one of the enemy was killed at this time, and him, 
by Samuel Allen; sometime after, however, the remains 
of a person were found, near the place of action, supposed 
to be those of an Indian. 

This was the last mischief, done by the enemy, in the 
western frontiers, this season. 

April 7, 1747. A large body of French, and Indians, 
appeared at No. 4, and laid siege to the garrison, which 
continued for three days, when the enemy withdrew, hav 
ing done but little damage; only slightly wounding Joseph 
Ely, and John Brown,. 

I5th. Nathaniel Dickinson, and Asahel Burt, of North- 

he was his uncle, and had always been acquainted with him in 
Deerfield ; neither would he speak in the English tongue, not that 
he had forgotten it, but to express his unwillingness to return ; he 
made use of various arts, that he might not be exchanged ; and 
finally could not be obtained but by threats, and was brought off 
by force. In this we see the surprising power of habit ; this youth 
had lost his affection for his country, and his friends, in the course 
of one year, and nine months ; and had become so attached to the 
Indians, and their mode of living, as that to this day, he considers 
that of the Indians, the happiest life. This appears more sur 
prising when we consider, that he fared extremely hard, and was 
reduced almost to a skeleton. 


field, being out a little distance from the town, were killed, 
and scalped. The enemy, on their return from North- 
field, burnt most of the buildings in Winchester, and in 
the upper, and lower Ashwelots, which plantations, a few 
days before, had been deserted by the inhabitants, not 
having sufficient protection afforded them by government. 

May 25. As fort Massachusetts was rebuilding, there 
being several hundred people present, an army of the 
enemy came, with a design to hinder the undertaking. 
About an hundred men, a few days before, had been sent 
to Albany, for stores of provisions, and ammunition, 
being on their return, and near the fort, a scout was sent 
forward, who, coming within sight of the fort, discovered 
the enemy, and began an attack; this gave an alarm to 
the people at the fort, who, as yet, had not discovered 
the enemy; a few issued out, and maintained a small 
skirmish, till the enemy withdrew. There was, at the 
time, much complaint, both of the people at the fort, and 
of the commander of that party who was with the wag 
gons, for not affording assistance, which was imputed to 
cowardice. In this action, three persons were wounded; 
and a friend Indian, who belonged to Stockbridge, was 

July 15. Eliakim Sheldon, of Bernardston, was fired 
upon, and wounded; he died the following night. 

The same month, John Mills, of Colrain, passing 
from what was called the south fort, to his own house, 
was fired upon and killed. August 


August 26. A small party of the enemy came to a 
village belonging to Northampton, (now Southampton), 
and killed, and scalped, Elijah Clark, as he was thresh 
ing in his barn. 

October i. Peter Burvec was taken captive near 
Massachusetts fort. 

iQth. John Smead, as he was travelling from North- 
field to Sunderland, was killed, and scalped, near the 
mouth of Miller s river. He had but a few days before 
returned from captivity, being one who was taken at 
Massachusetts fort, with his wife, and children. 

About this time, Jonathan Sawtel, was taken captive, 
from Hinsdale. 

1 4th. As twelve men were passing down the river, 
from No. 4, they were ambushed, and a skirmish ensued; 
Nathaniel Gould, and Thomas Good all, were killed, and 
scalped; Oliver Avery was wounded, and John Henderson 
taken captive, the remainder made their escape. 

March 15, 1748. About eight men were out a few 
rods from the fort, at No. 4, and were attacked by about 
twenty Indians, who endeavoured to cut off their retreat 
to the fort; a skirmish ensued, in which Charles Stevens 
was killed; a man by the name of Androus was wounded, 
and Eleazer Priest was taken captive. 

April 12. Jason Babcock was taken prisoner, being at 
work in his field, at Poquiag. 

May 9. Noah Pixley was killed, and scalped, at 
Southampton. About 


About the same time, Capt. Melvin, with eighteen men, 
being at the lake, near Crownpoint, fired at two canoes of 
Indians: On his return, being on West river, about 35 
miles from fort Dummer, was ambushed, and being fired 
on by surprise, his men were scattered: Two or three 
returned the fire, and killed two of the enemy: The same 
persons, after having gone some distance, and having 
fallen in company with three or four of their own men, 
concluded to return back, and give the enemy a shot; on 
their return they were fired on, and one was killed; they 
returned the fire, and killed one of the enemy. The 
whole company, excepting six, made their escape through 
the woods, and came in at different times. In this skir 
mish, Joseph Petty, John Heywood, John Dod, Daniel 
Mann, and Isaac Taylor, were killed; Samuel Severance 
could not be found, and was supposed to be taken cap 
tive. The loss of these men, was much lamented; and they 
are spoken of with respect, as prudent, virtuous men, and 
resolute soldiers. 

June 1 6. As thirteen men were marching from Colonel 
Hinsdale s, to fort Dummer, they were ambushed by a 
large body of the enemy and were fired upon. Joseph 
Richardson, Nathan French, and John Frost, were killed 
the first shot, and seven were immediately taken captive, 
viz. Henry Stevens, Benjamin Osgood, William Blanch- 
ard, Matthew Wiman, Joel Johnson, Moses Perkins, and 
William Bickford. Bickford was either killed by the 



enemy, the first night, or had been wounded, and died of 
his wounds. 

26th. Capt. Hobbs, passing through the woods from 
No. 4, to fort Shirley, with forty men, and being about 
twelve miles northwest of fort Dummer, was attacked 
by a large body of the enemy, who had pursued him; it 
being in the middle of the day, he had made a stand, that 
his men might receive some refreshment; whilst they were 
dining, the scout, which was sent upon the back track, 
were fired on. Upon this, Capt. Hobbs put his men into 
as much readiness for an action, as two or three minutes 
would admit of. The enemy came on with great fury, 
expecting, no doubt, an immediate surrendry; but Capt. 
Hobbs gave them a warm reception, and fought, for four 
hours, with such boldness and fortitude, as that had he, 
and his men, been Romans, they would have received a 
laurel, and their names would have been handed down 
with honour, to the latest posterity; the enemy finally fled 
in haste, and with great loss. Capt. Hobbs, in this action, 
lost but three men, and had but three wounded; those 
killed were Ebenezer Mitchel, Eli Scott, and Samuel 

July 14. As a scout of seventeen men were pass 
ing from Col. Hinsdale s to fort Dummer, they were am 
bushed, and fired upon, by about 120 of the enemy; two 
only were killed the first shot; two more were wounded, 
and but four made their escape; the remainder were taken 



captive; the wounded the enemy killed, after having 
carried them about a mile. 

23d. The enemy waylaid the main street, at Northfield, 
and killed Aaron Belding. 

August 2. About 200 of the enemy, made their ap 
pearance at fort Massachusetts; the fort was then under 
the command of Capt. Ephraim Williams: A scout was 
first fired upon, which drew out Capt. Williams with about 
thirty men; an attack began, which continued for some 
time; but, finding the enemy numerous, Capt. Williams 
fought upon the retreat, till he had again recovered the 
fort: The enemy soon withdrew, and with what loss was 
unknown. In this action, one Abbot was killed, Lieut. 
Hawley, and Ezekiel Wells were wounded, but recovered. 

This is the last account I can find, of mischief done by 
the enemy in the western frontiers, in what is called the 
first French war. Peace, however, was not finally settled 
with the Indians, until October, 1749, when a treaty was 
held at Falmouth, by commissioners from the General 
Court, and the chiefs of the Indian tribes, by whom a for 
mer treaty, with some additions, was renewed. 

Peace between France and England, took place in the 
year 1748, and war was again declared in 1756; but, in 
the summer of 55, a body of Indians appeared at Stock- 
bridge, killed several persons, and did considerable 
mischief, in killing cattle, &c. 

In June, the same summer, a number of persons being 



at work in the meadow, at the upper part of Charlemont, 
were fired on by a party of the enemy; not so much mis 
chief was done, as might have been expected; a number 
made their escape: Cap. Rice, and Phinehas Arms, were 
killed, their bodies were afterwards found in a mangled 
condition. Titus King, and a lad, were taken captive. 

The same month, Capt. Bridgman s fort, at Hinsdale, 
was taken by stratagem, and a number of persons were 
captivated. It was supposed that the enemy had been 
lurking about for some time, and the situation of the fort 
was such as that whatever passed, either in, or near it, 
might be easily seen from the hills a little back: It was 
the custom of the fort, for the women within to fasten the 
gate when the men went into the fields to labour, and to 
open it upon their return, from the signal of knocking: 
The Indians observing this, took an opportunity when the 
men were at the greatest distance from the fort, came, and 
knocked at the gate; and the women, being under no 
special apprehensions of an enemy, immediately threw 
open the gate, when, to their astonishment, they found 
the enemy entering; no resistance was made in the fort, 
and fourteen persons were taken captive. The enemy 
made no longer tarry at the fort, than to secure the pris 
oners, but rushed into the meadow, and fell upon the men, 
who, as yet, had not discovered what had passed at the 
fort; they made as much resistance as their situation 
would admit of. In this skirmish, C. Howe was killed, 
the remainder made their escape. About 


About this time, the fort at Keene, under the command 
of Capt. Sims, was attacked by a large party of Indians, 
and with great fury; the attack was lengthy, but was sus 
tained with fortitude. The enemy finding their attempts 
to take the fort ineffectual, gave over the attack, but 
wreaked their vengeance on the inhabitants, by destroy 
ing all the property they could find, in killing cattle, burn 
ing buildings, &c. In this siege, no lives were lost, and 
but one person was taken captive, he being out of the 
fort at the time. 

July 3. The enemy appeared at Keene, and captivated 
a person by the name of Frizzle. 

The same month, fort Hinsdale was attacked by a con 
siderable body of the enemy. In this attack two persons 
were killed, and one was taken captive; one of the persons 
killed was John Alexander. 

About the same time, two men were killed, at Bellows s 
fort. Also, a man, by the name of Pike, was killed at 
some place up the river, but where I cannot tell. 

June 7, 1756. Josiah Foster, with his family, were 
taken captive, at Winchester. The same day, a body of 
the enemy appeared at fort Massachusetts. Benjamin 
King, and a man by the name of Meacham, were killed. 

The same month, Lieut. Joseph Willard, was killed at 
No. 4. 

On the 25th, as a number of men were coming from 
the army at the lake, they were attacked by a large body 



of the enemy, and it is probable that a severe action en 
sued, tho I cannot ascertain the particulars; there were, 
however, eight men killed, and five taken captive. 

July II. The enemy came to West Hoosick, and killed 
Capt. Chapin, and two persons by the name of Chidester. 

August 12, 1756. A party of five, or six Indians, made 
their appearance in Deerfield, (now Greenfield), at a 
place called the country farms; several men, viz. Benja 
min Hastings, John Graves, Daniel Graves, Nathaniel 
Brooks, and Shubal Atherton, being at work, were sur 
prised, by discovering the enemy between them and their 
guns, and being in no situation to make any resistance, 
found no way to save themselves, but by flight. They 
had fled but a few rods, before they were fired on; none 
were either killed, or wounded the first shot; the enemy 
still pursued, and continued their firing. Shubal Atherton 
was soon killed; Benjamin Hastings, and John Graves, 
made their escape; Daniel Graves, and Nathaniel Brooks, 
were taken captive. Graves was killed, after the enemy 
had conveyed him but a little distance; he was in years, 
and it was supposed, he was unable to travel with such 
speed as the enemy wished. Brooks never returned from 
his captivity. 

1757. The enemy appeared at No. 4, and captivated 
five persons; the particulars of this matter I cannot 

March 20, 1758. J. Morrison, and J. Henry of Col- 


rain, being near what is called north river, (a branch of 
Deerfield river), were fired on, and were both wounded; 
Capt. Morrison s barn was burnt, and his cattle were 
killed the same day. 

March 21, 1759. The enemy again appeared at Col- 
rain, and captivated Joseph M Ewers, with his wife. Mrs. 
M Ewers, was killed by the enemy, after one day s travel, 
she being unable to proceed. 

This is the last account, which I can obtain, of mischief 
done by the enemy, in the western frontiers, in the last 
French war. 

APPREHENDING that it will not be disagreeable to 
the publick, I here subjoin a circumstantial account of 
what is called the fall fight, which happened in May, 

The following, I have taken in part, from Hubbard s 
history of the Indian wars; but principally from an at 
tested copy of a manuscript, written by some gentlemen 
who were in the action. 

Several large bodies of Indians had assembled at differ 
ent places about Deerfield. Two tribes had seated them 
selves at the falls, one on the east, and the other on the 
west side of the river. A little below the falls, upon an 
island, was another tribe. Another had placed them 
selves on the west side of the river, at a little distance 



above the falls; And a fifth had taken their residence at 

These Indians, being previously informed, by some of 
their captives, that the forces were principally withdrawn 
from the neighbouring towns, had imprudently fallen into 
a state of unguarded security. The inhabitants being in 
formed of this, by some prisoners, who had been so for 
tunate as to make their escape, determined to improve 
the opportunity, and if possible, extirpate them from this 
part of the country. All the soldiers, who could be raised, 
for this almost desperate expedition, both from the mil 
itia, and the standing forces, amounted to only one hun 
dred and sixty. The standing forces were commanded 
by Capt. Turner, of Boston. The volunteers by their own 
officers. Those from Springfield, by Capt. Holyoke; from 
Northampton, by Ensign Lyman; from Hadley, and Hat- 
field, by Sergeants Kellogg, and Dickinson. The Rev. 
Hope Atherton, minister of the gospel, at Hatfield, a gen 
tleman of publick spirit, accompanied the army. The 
pilots were Messrs. Benjamin Wait, and Experience 

These troops marched from Hatfield, May 17, 1676, a 
little before night. Passing Deerfield river, at Cheapside, 
they were heard by the Indian sentinel, who immediately 
alarmed the tribe, informing them, that horses had passed 
the river. Search was immediately made, at the usual 
fording place, which our troops had happily missed, hav 


ing by mistake, crossed a little above, and the enemy 
finding no tracks, concluded, that their sentry had been 
deceived, and that what he heard, must have been the 
noise of moose, passing the river near the fording place. 
Meeting with no opposition from this tribe, our troops 
marched on, till they came to the falls. It was now about 
the break of day. According to their wishes, our army 
found the enemy in an unguarded situation, without even 
a sentinel. The reason why, at this time, they were thus 
surprisingly unguarded, was, the evening before they 
had been rioting upon milk, and roast beef, having been 
pillaging cows from the neighbouring towns. When the 
day opened, so that our army could distinguish friends 
from foes, they marched up and began the attack, by 
firing into the wigwams. The Indians awaking in 
surprise, and in their consternation supposing that they 
were attacked by their native enemies, cried, Mohawks! 
Mohawks! They soon, however, discovered their mis 
take; but being in no situation to make an immediate 
defence, great numbers were slain upon the spot, some, 
in their surprise, ran directly into the river, and were 
drowned; others betook themselves to their bark canoes, 
and having in their confusion forgot their paddles, were 
hurried down the falls, and dashed against the rocks; 
and many who had endeavoured to secrete themselves 
under the river banks, were discovered, and slain. 

In this action the enemy, by their own confession, lost 
300, women and children included. This 


This victory, though great, and obtained with the loss 
of only one man, in the first onset, was yet, however, 
disastrous in the issue. The few who had not been slain 
of this tribe, after recovering from their fright, and being 
joined by the neighbouring tribes, discovering the small- 
ness of the number, by whom they had been thus furiously 
attacked, and by whom they had sustained such a loss, 
pursued, and harrassed the army on their retreat, with 
such fury, that thirty-seven were killed, and several were 

This loss was imputed, in part, to the bodily infirmities 
of Capt. Turner; and in part, to the want of ammunition, 
which was the cause of an ill-timed and unguarded 

A few, to the number of about twenty, did not quit the 
ground, with the main body of the army, but tarried be 
hind, for the purpose of firing at some of the enemy who 
were crossing the river. These men soon found them 
selves under the necessity of disputing the ground, with 
a considerable body of the enemy, before they could re 
cover their horses; but after a severe skirmish, obtained 
their object, and soon came up with the army, which was 
surrounded, and fought on their retreat for ten miles. 
Seven, or eight men, in the beginning of the retreat, were, 
by some accident, unfortunately separated from the army, 
and soon found themselves lost. The Indians after 
wards gave the following account of them: That on 



Monday after the fight, eight Englishmen came to them, 
who were lost, and offered to surrender, on condition 
their lives might be spared; but, instead of giving them 
quarter, they took and burnt them in the following man 
ner: They first covered them with dry thatch, then set 
fire to it, and compelled them to run: When one covering 
was burnt off, they put on another, and so continued 
till death delivered them from their hands. 

This expedition was productive of very happy conse 
quences, for the enemy were so disconcerted in all their 
plans, and so greatly disheartened, that they never after 
during that war, gave any considerable disturbance to 
the frontiers. From this expedition may be dated their 
decline in these parts. 

In the above action was one Jonathan Wells, of Hat- 
field, then a youth in his iyth year, he was afterwards a 
gentleman improved in publick life, and sustained a wor 
thy character. The following is the substance of an 
attested copy of the account, taken from his own mouth. 

Mr. Wells was one of the 20 men abovementioned, who 
were under a necessity of disputing the ground, for the 
purpose of recovering their horses. Soon after he had 
mounted, being in the rear, three of the enemy fired upon 
him; one of their balls brushed his hair, another wounded 
his horse, and a third struck his thigh, in a place where it 
had before been broken with a cart wheel; the ball did 
not wholly break his thigh anew, but fractured the end of 



one of the bones, which was a little projected over the 
other, it having been badly set. Upon receiving the 
wound, it was with difficulty that Mr. Wells kept in his 
saddle. The Indians perceiving they had wounded him, 
pressed hard upon him. Mr. Wells, recovering a little 
from the first shock, and perceiving the enemy almost 
upon him, presented his gun, which gave them a check, 
and whilst they were charging, he made his escape, and 
reached the company. He represented to Capt. Turner, 
the danger to which the people in the rear were exposed, 
and urged him to return to their relief, or halt till they 
might come up; but he answered, "It is better to lose 
some, than all.* The army was now divided into sev 
eral companies, one pilot crying, "If you will save your 
lives, follow me;" and another, "If you regard your safety 
follow me." Mr. Wells was now following a company, 
whose course was towards a swamp; but perceiving that a 
body of the enemy were there, he left that company, who 
were all lost, and joined a small party, who were taking 
a different route; but his horse soon failing by reason of 
his wound, and himself being much weakened by loss 
of blood, he was left by this party, having only one Jones, 
a wounded man to accompany him: They had no path 
to guide them, and were both unacquainted with the 
woods. They had not travelled far, before Mr. Wells was 
separated from Jones and finding himself faint, eat a nut 
meg which he had in his pocket, upon which he revived. 



After having wandered in the woods for some time, he 
came upon green river, and he followed the course of it 
up, till he came to a place called the country farms; hav 
ing passed the river he attempted to ascend a mountain 
on the west side, but fainted, and fell from his horse. 
How long he lay in this condition he knew not, but when 
he recovered, he found his horse standing by him, and his 
bridle hanging on his hand. He arose, tied his horse, 
and again laid himself down, but upon reflection, finding 
himself already so weak as to be unable to mount conclud 
ed that he should have no further use for his horse, and be 
ing unwilling that he should die at the tree, dismissed him; 
but unhappily forgot to take any provision from his port 
manteau, although it contained a plenty. Towards night, 
being troubled with musquetoes, he struck up a fire; but 
this almost proved his destruction; it arose, and spread 
with such fury, among the leaves and trash, that it was 
with difficulty, in his faint condition, he escaped perish 
ing in the flames. After he was out of danger, from the 
fire, he again laid himself down to rest; but now new 
fears arose; he imagined that the fire would direct the 
enemy where to find him; and serve to betray him into 
their hands: Unwilling the enemy should be benefitted 
by his ammunition, he cast it to as great a distance as he 
could, reserving only a charge or two for their use, should 
he fall into their hands. After some time, finding his 
fire had spread considerably, he took courage, put some 



tow into his wounds, bound them up with his handker 
chief, and composed himself to sleep. In his sleep he 
dreamed, that his grandfather came to him, and told him 
he was lost, and must turn, and go down that river, till 
he should come to the end of a mountain, where he would 
find a plain, upon which he must travel, in order to find 
his way home. When he awoke he found himself re 
freshed, his bleeding stopped, and his strength recruited, 
and with the help of his gun as a staff, he was able to 
walk, though but slowly. The rising of the sun, con 
vinced him, he was lost, and that the course he intended 
to pursue was wrong. He had now wandered six or 
seven miles farther from home, than when he set out from 
the place of action. And though, at first, he paid no 
attention to his dream, now he determined to follow the 
directions of it. Accordingly, he traveled down the river, 
found the end of the mountain, and soon came to the 
plain; all of which, agreed to the representation in his 
dream.* Soon after he entered upon the plain, he found 

a foot 

* I doubt, whether, in this dream, there was any thing super 
natural, as some may be ready to suppose. Mr. Wells, having 
wandered in the woods six or seven miles, must necessarily have 
had some doubts whether his course was right ; and his mind, 
when asleep, would more naturally employ itself on this subject, 
than any other ; because to find the way home, must have been his 
great object, when awake. His dreaming that his grandfather 
appeared to him, was nothing strange ; and his local situation at 
this time was such, that he could not be entirely unacquainted 
with the natural make of the ground ; and his thoughts running as 
they did, in this dream, would be natural ; the river was near him 
the plain was before him and the end of the monntain, near the 
side of the plain, if he had not previously seen it, would naturally 
be supposed. 


a foot path, which led him to the road, in which, the 
main body of the army returned. When he came to 
Deerfield river, he met with much difficulty in crossing; 
the stream carrying his lame leg across the other, so that 
several of his first attempts were without effect. Finally, 
however, with the help of his gun, with much difficulty he 
reached the opposite shore. When he had ascended the 
bank, being greatly fatigued, he laid himself down under 
a walnut bush, and fell asleep. When he awoke, the 
first object that presented, was an Indian in a canoe, 
coming directly towards him. Mr. Wells now found 
himself in a very unhappy condition, being so disabled 
by his wounds that he could not flee, and his gun being 
so filled with gravel and sand, in crossing the river, that 
he could not fight. So soon however, as he perceived 
the Indian had discovered him, he presented his gun, 
which so affrighted him, that he leaped out of the canoe, 
leaving his own gun, and made his escape. Mr. Wells 
concluding that he would inform the whole tribe, who 
were only a few rods distant, went into a neighbouring 
swamp, and finding two logs lying near each other, and 
covered with rubbish, he crept between them. He soon 
heard the noise of Indians but was not curious to look out 
after them. When the noise had ceased, he ventured to 
proceed forward. In Deerfield meadow he found some 
horses bones, from which he scraped some matter, 
which served for food; he also found two or three rotten 



beans, where the Indians had threshed, and also two 
blue bird s eggs, which was all the sustenance he had 
till he reached home. He came to Deerfield town plat, on 
Saturday night about dark, but as there were no inhabi 
tants present, the town having a little before been burnt, 
he continued his course in the evening. 

He was often under great discouragements, and fre 
quently laid himself down to die, expecting to rise no 
more. He reached no farther than muddy brook as the 
sun rose on Sabbath morning. Here, seeing a human 
head, which had been dug up by wild beasts, Mr. Wells, 
notwithstanding the distresses of his condition, stopped 
to find the grave, which having found he laid the head to 
the body, and covered it with billets of wood, to defend 
it from the ravenous beasts of the wilderness. After he 
had left the brook and entered upon the plain, he grew 
faint and very thirsty, but could obtain no water for a con 
siderable time; he was, however, often refreshed, by hold 
ing his face in the smoke of burning knots of pine, which 
he frequently met with, as the woods were on fire. Mr. 
Wells arrived at Hatfield on the Sabbath, between meet 
ings, and was received with inexpressible joy, as one 
having arisen from the dead. He endured incredible 
pain, and distress, with his wound, being confined several 
times to his bed, for six months together; and it was 
upwards of four years before he was sound. 

In this action was also the Rev. Mr. Atherton, minister 



of the gospel, in Hatfield. The following is the substance 
of a paragraph, which he delivered to his people the 
Sabbath after his return: 

" In the hurry and confusion of the retreat, I was sep 
arated from the army; the night following, I wandered 
up and down among the dwelling places of the enemy, 
but none of them discovered me. The next day, I 
tendered myself to them a prisoner, for no way of escape 
appeared, and I had been a long time without food; but 
notwithstanding I offered myself to them, yet, they ac 
cepted not the offer; when I spake they answered not; 
and when I moved toward them they fled.* Finding 
they would not accept of me as a prisoner, I determined 
to take the course of the river and if possible find the 
way home, and after several days of hunger, fatigue and 
danger, I reached Hatfield." 

Deer-field , October loth, 1793. 

* There were various conjectures at the time, relative to this 
strange conduct of the Indians ; the most probable one was, that it 
arose from some of their religious superstitions. 


The following observations were added by Mr. T. PRINCE, 

to the third edition, for the information of our younger 


THE reverend author of the preceeding his 
tory and sermon was a son of Mr. Samuel Williams, of 
Roxbury, where he was born Dec. 10, 1664; took his 
first degree at Harvard college in 1683; was ordained 
the first pastor of the church in Deerfield, in May, 1686. 

And his first wife Eunice, murdered by the barbarous 
Indians, as before related, was the only daughter of the 
Rev. Mr. Eleazer Mather, first pastor of the church in 
Northampton, by his only wife, Mrs. Esther, the daugh 
ter of the reverend and famous Mr. John Warham, for 
merly a minister in Exeter, in England, who came to 
New-England in 1630, was the first teacher with the Rev. 
Mr. Maverick, pastor of the first church in Dorchester, 
near Boston; and in 1635, removed, with the greater part 
of his church, to Windsor, on Connecticut river, where 
he continued their pastor until he died. After the Rev. 
Mr. Eleazer Mather s death, his widow married the Rev. 
Mr. Solomon Stoddard, who succeeded him in the 
pastoral office at Northampton. 

When Deerfield was destroyed, in February, 1703-4, it 
was in the first year of my living at Harvard college; and 
I well remember how generally and greatly affected were 
the good people of this province, with that terrible 



His eldest son, Eleazer, being then in another town, 
escaped that calamity. The next commencement, by the 
encouragement and help of divers charitable people, es 
pecially in Boston, he entered Harvard college; and liv 
ing in the chamber over me, I fell into an intimate ac 
quaintance with him; and found him a person of eminent 
piety, humility, sincerity, and sweetness of temper, like 
his father. He took his first degree in 1708, and became 
the faithful pastor of the church in Mansfield in 
Connecticut, until he died. 

His reverend father returning from captivity, and ar 
riving at Boston, November 21, 1706, to the great joy 
of the people; and being informed that he was to preach 
the publick lecture there on December 6th, I, with many 
others, went down, and in an auditory exceedingly 
crowded and affected, I heard the sermon herewith re 
printed. And in those times, there was such a tender 
union, affection, and Christian simplicity, among the 
good people here, that, as the apostle lively describes 
it, " When one member of the society suffered, the whole 
body seemed to suffer with it; and when one 
rejoiced, the whole rejoiced." 

By the like kind encouragement, the Rev. Mr. Williams 
had his son Stephen Williams educated at Harvard col 
lege; who took his first degree in 1713; was ordained pas 
tor of a church in Springfield; and is so extensively known 
and valued, that his name only needs to be mentioned; 



as that of his son Warham who took his first degree in 
1719, and became the worthy pastor of the church in 
Waltham, formerly a part of Watertown; not long since 

The Rev. Mr. Williams, of Deerfield, used every May, 
yearly, to come down to the general convention of the min 
isters of the province at Boston; where he was always 
very affectionately entertained. 

At the convention in May, 1728, (being chosen the year 
before) he preached a very moving sermon to the minis 
ters; when I remember, he expressed his joy in the great 
advantage we at that time had above the preceeding min 
isters, in the general awakenings through the land, by the 
great earthquake in October foregoing. And on June 
12, 1729, he died, greatly beloved and lamented. 

And by the accounts above, we may learn, from the 
instance of this one town only in our western frontiers of 
the province of the Massachusetts bay, in New-England, 
what horrible murders and desolations this proivnce has 
suffered from the French and Indians in all our wars 
with them ever since the year 1675, when the Indians 
first broke out upon us and what numbers of the present 
people in Canada are the children of this province, or 
descendants from them which, in case the sovereign 
God should ever lead a victorious army of ours into Can 
ada, will clearly justify us to all the world, if we should 
bring every child and descendant of New-England, yea 



of all the British colonies, away especially considering 
we should bring them into a much pleasanter and more 
plenteous land and agreeable climate; out of a wretched 
land of darkness and slavery, both religious and civil, 
into a land of glorious light and liberty. And may the 
Almighty hasten it in his time! 

Boston, Dec. 20, 1757. 





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